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To Ik fofc Sl of Maine, 1605, 




Printed for the GORGES SOCIETY, Portland, Maine. 



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Two Hundred Copies. 

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From the Press op 




I. Introduction, 

II. Survey of the Literature, 


III. A Trve Relation, 

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Portrait of Henry Wriothesley, 
Earl of Southampton, 


Autograph and Seal of Oueen Elizabeth, 

Portrait of Thomas Arundell, Baron 
of Wardour, - 

Monhegan as seen from the North, 
and the Camden Mountains 
as seen from monhegan, 

Chart of Coast from White Head to 
Pemaquid Point. 

Chart of Coast from Pemaquid Point 
to Seguin Island. 






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The Gorges Society. 





Rosier's " Trve Relation " has been reprinted in this 
country twice ; once in the Collections of the Mass. Hist. 
Society, 3d Series, Vol. 8, (the copy for which was ob- 
tained in England by Jared Sparks), and again (a reprint 
of Sparks' copy) in a pamphlet published by George 
Prince, at Bath, Maine, in 1S60. Original copies of the 
" Relation " are exceedingly scarce. Ouaritch, the well- 
known London bookseller, has a copy which cost him at 
an auction sale not long ago ^275, and for which he 
now asks ^325. The John Carter Brown Library in 
Providence, R. I., secured a superb copy of this rare 
pamphlet several years ago. Through the kindness of 
Mr. John Nicholas Brown, I obtained permission in 
1884 for a transcription of tn * s original copy; and the 
work was performed by the Assistant Librarian of Brown 
Jniversity, Mr. John Milton Burnham, to whom I am 
greatly indebted for the painstaking service thus ren- 




dered. It is his transcription of the original pamphlet 
that I have used in the present volume. 

In the Introduction I have brought together such 
facts as I have been able to secure with reference to 
George Waymouth. 

Hitherto but little has been known concerning him. In 
my investigations I have been greatly aided by Mr. James 
P. Baxter, of Portland, who, during his residence in 
England in 1SS5 and 1SS6, left no place unvisited 
where there was likely to be found any trace of Way- 
mouth's life and work. His labors were richly rewarded. 
Manuscripts were discovered which have remained un- 
noticed almost three centuries, and which throw much 
light upon the character and the career of one who has 
hitherto been known merely as a navigator. In the 
notes I have expressed my obligations to Mr. Baxter for 
the materials which he generously placed at my disposal. 
I am also indebted to him for valuable suo-^estions con- 
cerning difficult points that have presented themselves in 
the course of my work. 

I exceedingly 

PREFACE. - vii 

I exceedingly regret that even with Mr. Baxter's en- 
thusiastic aid I have been unable to discover the time and 
place of Waymouth's birth and death. It has been inti- 
mated that the late Henry Stevens, a resident of London, 
with whom Waymouth was a favorite subject for study, 
possessed facts concerning Waymouth's life which had 
eluded the search of others. But the recent publica- 
tion of the Court Minutes of the East India Company 
from 1599 to 1603,*" prepared by Mr. Stevens, and pub- 
lished by his son, Mr. Henry N.Stevens, leads me to be- 
lieve that not much is to be expected from this source. 
In these records is preserved the action of the Company 
with reference to Waymouth's voyage in 1602 in search 
of a north-west passage to the Indies : and one would 
suppose that either in the introduction, or in the notes 
printed in connection with the record, at least some of 
the facts which had been slathered concerning Way- 
mouth would be inserted. But for any such facts one 
will search this volume in vain. The omission is almost 
as notable as would be the absence of any reference to 
Waymouth's life in a reprint of Rosier's " Relation." 


*The Dawn of British Trade to the East Indies, as Recorded in the Court 
Minutes of the East India Company, 1599-160.'}, containing an account of the 
formation of the Company, the first adventure and Waymouth's Voyage in 
search of the North- West Passage, now first printed from the original manuscript 
by Henry Stevens, of Vermont. With an introduction by Sir George Birdwood, 
Kt. London, Henry Stevens & Son, 18SG. 

viii PREFACE. 

In his preface, however, Mr. Henry N. Stevens ex- 
presses the hope that some interesting particulars re- 
specting Waymouth may yet be gleaned from memoran- 
da made by his father. 

The name of Waymouth's vessel is not given by 
Rosier ; nor is it found in the accounts of the voyage 
recorded by Strachey, Purchas or Gorges. Prince (Me. 
Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. 6, p. 294) says that Waymouth's 
ship is " supposed to have been called the Archangel." 
So far as I can ascertain, living somewhat remote from 
large libraries, the name of the vessel first appears in 
Dr. John Harris's Collection of Voyages and Travels, 
p. 223, Vol. II., Revised Edition, London, 174S. The 
first edition appeared in 1702-5. John Harris, D. D., 
(1667-1719) was one of the early members of the Royal 
Society, and for a while acted as its Vice President. 

In preparing the " Survey of the Literature," I endeav- 
ored carefully to examine all the references in published 
volumes to points in controversy connected with Way- 
mouth's voyage in 1605. ^ did not occur to me, how- 
ever, to include in my search " The Revised Statutes of 
the State of Maine." In this I erred, for Hon. C. W. 
Goddard, by whom the revision was made, has an in- 
troductory chapter on the "Sources of the Land Titles 
of Maine," and in a note on page VI., he says: 



PREFACE. - ix 

" Although any further contributions toward a solu- 
tion of the long vexed question of the identity of Way- 
mouth's explorations may seem superfluous, the com- 
missioner, after a personal examination of those waters 
in a sail-boat in August, 1S82, ventures to express his 
concurrence in the opinion of Captain George Prince, 
of Bath, first published in 185S, that Pentecost Harbor 
was probably George's Island Harbor, and not Booth- 
bay; that the very high mountains which might be discov- 
ered a great way up in the main, could not possibly have 
been the White Mountains, or any other than the Cam- 
den Hills ; and that the great river trending alongst 
into the main towards the great mountains, which 
Strachey, (not Waymouth, or Rosier, Waymouth's com- 
panion and historian) calls ' that most excellent and ben- 
efycial river of Sagadahoc,' but which Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges calls the ' Pemaquid,' must have been the George's 
and not the Kennebec or the Penobscot." 

If this testimony had come under mynotice earlier it 
would have been included in my "Survey of the Litera- 

In my work, aside from the persons already mentioned, 
I have received valuable assistance from Dr. C. E. Banks, 
of the U. S. Marine Hospital Service. Many notes 
which he had prepared with reference to Waymouth's 




voyage of 1605 he kindly placed in my hands. I am in- 
debted to him, also, for the use of his excellent etching 
of Thomas Arundell, Baron of Wardour, after a photo 
graph of a portrait in the possession of the Arundell 
family. At my request, too, he has made for this work 
two additional etchings, one of Monhegan Island from 
the North, after a sketch on one of the Coast Survey 
charts, and another of the Camden Mountains as seen 
from Monhegan, after a drawing which I made near the 
school-house on Monhegan in the summer of 1S85. 

To the United States Coast and Geodetic Survey 
Office, Washington, D. C, I am indebted for the two ex- 
cellent charts which will be found in a pocket at the 
close of the volume. One of these charts, showing the 
coast from White Head to Pemaquid Point, includes 
also Monhegan, St. George's Island Harbor and the St. 
George's River; the other, the coast from Pemaquid 
Point to Sequin Island. A line in red ink on the first 
chart indicates the probable course Waymouth took 
after leaving his anchorage north of Monhegan, in en- 

<D O CD 

tering Pentecost Harbor, and afterwards in sailing up 
the great river he discovered. A like line indicates, so 
far as this chart is concerned, the course he followed, if 
we identify Pentecost Harbor with Fisherman's Island 
Harbor or Boothbay Harbor. Lines in red ink on the 


PREFACE. . xi 

second chart are used to indicate Waymouth's course if 
he entered the Kennebec at Bath by way of Townsend 
Gut, Sheepscot Bay and the Sasanoa River, as Sewall 
and others suppose, or if he sailed up the Kennebec 
from its mouth, as is maintained by Ballard and others. 
These lines in red ink, which were added by William 
S. Edwards, first assistant city civil engineer, Portland, 
cannot but be helpful to the readers of the following 

My grateful acknowledgments for helpful sugges- 
tions, are also due to Prof. James Bryce, of Oxford 
University, England, and to Prof. Asa Gray, of Harvard 
University ; and especially to the Secretary of the Maine 
Historical Society, Mr. Hubbard W. Bryant. 

Portland, Me., Feb. i, 18S7. 


|N the latter part of the sixteenth century, sev- 
eral attempts were made to plant English 
colonies in North America. The first of 
these attempts was made by Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 1 
who had been knighted in 1570, for distinguished mil- 
itary services in Ireland. In 15 jS, having obtained an 
extensive grant of land in the northern part of North 
America, he sailed from England with his half-brother, 
Sir Walter Raleigh; 2 but on account of various disasters 


1. For more than twenty years, 
by petitions, and at length by an 
elaborate treatise, Gilbert had urged 
upon Elizabeth and her ministers the 
importance of western discovery and 
colonization. He was the second son 
of Otho Giibert, and his mother, 
whose maiden name was Catherine 
Champernown, married, after her 
husband's death, Walter Raleigh, and 

by bim had two sons, Carew and 
Walter. At the time of Walter's 
birth, Humphrey Gilbert was thirteen 
years of age. 

2. " He lived in the County of 
Devon, bordering easterly upon the 
sea, and saw the ships depart for the 
new found lands, and, when they re- 
turned, heard the stories of the cap- 
tain and sailor, of the wonders they 




which befel the expedition, he was compelled to return 
without having set foot on the shores of the new world. 
Four years later, in 1583, with five ships and two 
hundred and sixty men, Gilbert (Ra'eigh being detained 
at Court by the Queen, who did not wish her favorite 
to be exposed to "dangerous sea-fights,") again left 
England for the land beyond the sea, and this time suc- 
ceeded in reaching Newfoundland, of which he took 
possession in the name of Queen Elizabeth. On the 
return voyage, Sept. 9, 15S3, his vessel, of ten tons bur- 
den onlv, too heavilv laden, foundered, and Gilbert with 
all on board perished. 3 

In the following year, April, 27, 1584, Sir Walter 


had witnessed and the exploits they 
had performed. In his boyhood, he 
read the tales of Spanish discovery, 
conquest and possession in the new 
world, and conceived a youthful ad- 
miration for the heroism in danger, 
and fortitude and patience in suffer- 
ing, which he had occasion enough 
to remember in his own subsequent 
fortunes, and which he expressed in 
the review of his life from the out- 
look of the Tower, in his History of 
the World." Dr. Leonard Woods, in 
the introduction to the Documentary 
History of the State of Maine, Vol. 
2, p. xlii. Concerning Raleigh, see a 
well prepared memoir by Rev. In- 

crease N. Tarbox, D. D., in "Sir Wal- 
ter Ralegh and his Colony in Amer- 
ica." Prince Society, Boston, 1884. 
3. Only two vessels, the " Squir- 
rel" and the "Golden Hind," re- 
mained of the tleet that left England. 
Sir Humphrey was on the " Squir- 
rel." Hayes, Captain of the Golden 
Hind, reports : " On Monday, the 9th 
of September, the frigate [the ' Squir- 
rel '] was near cast away, yet at that 
time recovered; and giving forth 
signs of joy, the general, sitting 
abaft with a book in his hand, cried 
out to us in the ' Hind,' ' We are as 
near to heaven by sea as by land.' " 
That night the frigate foundered. 


Raleigh, who after Gilbert's death had been made lord 
proprietor of a large tract of territory in the new world 
— his patent, almost identical in terms with that of Gil- 
bert, was dated March 25, 1584, 4 — despatched thither 
two vessels under the command of Philip Amidas and 
Arthur Barlow. On reaching the American coast, they 
explored Pamlico and Albemarle Sounds, and on their 
return to England they reported their discoveries in 
such glowing language that the interest of the Queen 
was enlisted, and she gave to the newly discovered terri- 
tory the name Virginia. 

In 15S5, having received added favors from the Queen 
to assist him in his work of foreign discovery, Raleigh 
fitted out another expedition consisting of seven vessels, 
with one hundred and ei^ht emigrants, under the com- 
mand of Sir Richard Grenville. A settlement was made 
at Roanoke Island, and Grenville returned to England 
\7*ith the ships, leaving Ralph Lane in command of the 
colony: but in the following year, when reinforcements 
reached Roanoke Island, it was found that the colony 
had been abandoned, and that Sir Francis Drake, who 


4. Strachey [Historie of Travaile 
into Virginia, Hakluyt Soc, Re- 
print, p. 8, J says it was " a large 
graunt, from 33 to 40 degrees of lati- 
tude, exemplified with many ymmu- 

nityes and priviledges." The patent 
is in Hazard's State Tapers, pp. ZCr- 
38, also in " Sir Walter Ralegh and 
his Colony in America," pp. 05-105, 
Prince Society, 1884. 


was on the American coast that season, had picked up 
Lane and his companions, and sailed for England. 5 

In 1587, Raleigh made an added attempt to plant a 
colony in the new world. A site farther north, on the 
shores of Chesapeake Bay, was selected by him ; and a 
large body of emigrants, who should become the found- 
ers of an agricultural State, were sent thither under 
command of John White, who left England April 27th, 
with a charter of incorporation for the "city of Raleigh. 1 ' 
But the colonists landed on Roanoke Island, in site of 
the former settlement. Two vessels with supplies were 
subsequently sent to them by Raleigh, but were so crip- 
pled by Spanish cruisers that they were obliged to re- 

5. "Sayling along by a wasted 
coast, they found certaine English- 
men which had settled themselves in 
Virginia, so named in honour of 
Queene Elizabeth, a Virgin, whom 
Sir Walter Raghley, a man in great 
favour with Queene Elizabeth, had 
sent thither of late for a colony in a 
most commendable desire to dis- 
courer farre countries, and to advance 
the glory of England for nauigation. 
To Ralph Lane, their captaine, Drake 
offered all ofilces of kindness, and a 
ship or two with victuals, and some 
men, if he thought good to stay there 
and prosecute his enterprise ; if not, 
tf) bring them back into England. 

But whilest they were lading of 
victuals into those ships, an extraor- 
dinary storme carried them away, and 
dispersed the fleet in such sort, that 
they met not again till they came into 
England. Hereupon Lane and those 
which were carried thither, being in 
great penury, and out of all hope of 
victuals out of England, and greatly 
weakened in their number, with one 
voyce besought Drake that he would 
carry them back again to their owne 
country, which hee willingly did." 
History of the Reign of Elizabeth, by 
William Camden, Loudon, lGbu, pp 
2S5, 2bG. 


turn to England, and the colonists, overtaken by " a miser 
able and untymely destiny," perished. Having exhausted 
all of his means, Raleigh made no further attempts to 
colonize his possessions in North America, and when 
the seventeenth century opened not a single English 
man was to be found at any point on the coast from 
Newfoundland to Florida. 6 

But notwithstanding the failure of the various enter- 
prises with which Raleigh was connected, there were 
those in England to whom the colonization of some part 
of the American coast was still a cherished dream. 
Newfoundland at that time was visited annually by a 
large fishing fleet, " about four hundred sails of ships," 7 
as an old document states. But Newfoundland was " a 
cold and intemperate place, not to be traded nor fre- 
quented at all times, nor fortified for security of the ships 
and goods : oft spoiled by pirates or men of war: the 
charges oreat for salt, double manning and double victual- 
ling their ships, in regard that the labor is great and the 
time long, before their lading can be ready ; they carry 


6. Though Raleigh's Virginia en- 
terprise failed, "his hopes were 
strong enough to withstand the fail- 
ure of nine several expeditions, and 
the natural discouragement of twelve 
years' imprisonment. Just on the 
eve of his own fall from outward 
greatness, he had written, 'I shall yet 

live to see it an English Nation. 
That faith remained with him to the 
Tower, and he did live to see his pre- 
diction realized." Edwards' Life of 
Raleigh, Vol. 1, p. 91. 

7. Coll. Mass. Hist Soc, 3d Series 
Vol. 8, p. 98. 


outwards no commodities for freight; and after six months' 
voyage, their return is made but of fish and oils." If 
farther south, therefore, in a more temperate and agree- 
able climate, a flourishing colony could be established, 
there would be a demand for the products of the mother 
country, and a great and constantly growing trade 
would thus be established. It was from motives like 
these that a few enterprising Englishmen at the opening 
of the seventeenth century turned their thoughts toward 
these western shores. 

The first effort in the seventeenth century to plant 
an English colony in North America, was made by 
Captain Bartholomew Gosnold, 8 who sailed from Fal- 
mouth, England, March 25, 1602, in a small bark called 
"The Concord." He was accompanied by thirty-two 
persons, eight of whom were mariners. Of the entire 
number, twelve purposed to return to England " upon 


8. Gosnold was an experienced 
mariner, and had been employed in 
one of the earlier expeditions to the 
American coast. Belknap [Am. Bi- 
ography, 2, p. 101,] says, " At whose 
expense he undertook the voyage to 
the northern part of Virginia does 
not appear." But Strachey, Historic 
of Travaile into Virginia [Hakluyt 
Society, reprint, p. ]&)] says : "A 
great and right noble earle amongst 

'Candidus et talos a vertice pul- 
cher ad imos/ 

Henry, Earle of Southampton," large- 
ly contributed to the fitting out of 
this expedition. He also states that 
at the same time, Sir Walter Raleigh 
fitted out a vessel which he de- 
spatched, in 1002, to Virginia, under 
the command of Samuel Mace, " to 
fynd out those people which he had 
sent last thither by Capt. White, in 

1KQ"7 W 


the discovery," and the rest were to remain " for popu- 
lation." The point Gosnold aimed to reach was " the 
north part of Virginia," the somewhat indefinite tract of 
territory granted to Raleigh by the Queen ; and he 
made land north of Massachusetts Bay, not far from a 
point which he called " Savage Rock," because " the 
savages first showed themselves there." Sailing south- 
ward along the coast, he passed Cape Cod. which re- 
ceived this name from Gosnold because of the " crreat 
store of codfish " he there secured, and at length came 
to an island which he called Martha's Vinevard, and 
which Archer describes as '"full of wood, vines, goose- 
berry bushes, whortleberries, raspberries, eglantines," 
&c. Here also he " took great store of cod, as before at 
Cape Cod, but much better." Sailing in toward the 
main land, Gosnold came to an island which he called 
Elizabeth's Isle, now Cuttyhunk ; 9 and here he made 


0. " To this spot I went on the 
20th day of June, 1707, in company 
with several gentlemen whose curios- 
ity and obliging kindness induced 
them to accompany me. The pro- 
tecting hand of Nature has reserved 
this favorite spot to herself. Its fer- 
tility and its productions are ex- 
actly the same as in Gosnold's time, 
excepting the wood, of which there is 
none. Every species of what he calls 

' rubbish,' with strawberries, pease, 
tansey and other fruits and herbs, 
appear in rich abundance, unmolest- 
ed by any animal but aquatic birds. 
We had the supreme satisfaction to 
find the cellar of Gosnold's store- 
house, the stores of which were evi- 
dently taken from the neighboring 
beach." Dr. Jeremy Belknap, Am. 
Biog., Vol. 2, p. 220. Harper's Ed. 



preparations for a settlement. A store-house and a 
small fort were erected. But when Gosnold had loaded 
his small vessel with sassafras, 10 cedar, fur and other com- 
modities, which he had obtained for the most part by 
traffic with the Indians, and was ready to return to Eiiq> 
land, some of the company who had " vowed to stay " 
refused so to do, and "the planters diminishing," the 
settlement was reluctantly abandoned. Gosnold, who 
on his return voyage sailed Friday, June iS, reached 
England, Friday, July 2^ x 

The accounts of this voyage, one by Gabriel Archer, 
and the other by John Brereton, both of whom accom- 

10. " Sassafras, a plant of souer- 
eigne vertue for the French Poxe, 
and as some of laie have learnedly 
written, good against the Plague and 
many other Maladies." Pring, in 
Mag. of Am. History, Vol. 8, p. 843. 
" The powder of sassafras in twelve 
hours cured one of our company that 
had taken a great surfeit, by eating 
the bellies of dog fish, a very deli- 
cious meat." Archer's Relation of 
Gosnold's Voyage, Mass. Hist. Coll., 
3d Series, Vol. 8, pp. 77, 78. " The 
sassafras tree is no great tree. I 
have met with some as big as my 
middle : the rind is tawny and upon 
that a thin colour of ashes, the inner 
part is white, of an excellent smell 
like Fennel, of a sweet taste with 

some bitterness : the leaves are like 
fig leaves, of a dark green." Josse- 
lyn's Two Voyages to New England, 
Boston, 1805, p. 55. 

11. In 1(107, Gosnold, with Capt. 
John Smith, led to Virginia a colony 
which settled at Jamestown. There, 
not long after his arrival, Gosnold 
died. In George Percy's account of 
the first settlement of Virginia occurs 
this note : " The 22d of August died 
Captain Bartholomew Gosnold, one 
of our council. He was honorably 
buried, having all the ordnance in the 
fort shot off, with many volleys of 
small shot. After his death the 
Council could hardly agree." Pur- 
chas his Pilgrimmes, iv, p. 1090. 


panied Gosnold, were published in England after the 
expedition returned. In glowing language their " Re- 
lations " depicted the magnificence and fertility of the 
country, compared with which, said Brereton, the most 
fertile part of England was but barren. And he adds : 
" We stood awhile like men ravished at the beauty and 
delicacy of this sweet soil ; for besides divers clear lakes 
of fresh water (whereof we saw no end), meadows very 
large and full of green grass ; even the most woody 
places (I speak only of such as I saw) do grow so dis- 
tinct and apart, one tree from another, upon green, grassy 
ground, somewhat higher than the plains, as if nature 
would show herself above her power, artificial." 12 Archer 
said: "This main is the goodliest continent that we 
ever saw, promising more by far than we any way did 
expect, for it is replenished with fair fields, and in them 
fragrant flowers, also meadows, and hedged in with 
stately groves, being furnished also with pleasant brooks, 
and beautiful with two main rivers that (as we judge) 
may haply become good harbors, and conduct us to the 
hopes men so greedily do thirst after." 13 

Especially in the seaport towns the publication of 
these "Relations" awakened added interest in the new 


12. Brereton's " Relation," Mass. 
Hist. Coll., 3d Series, Vol. 8, p. 89. 

13. Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d Series, 
Vol. 8, p. 78. 


world. " Sundry of the chiefest merchants of Bristol," 14 to 
whom Master Richard Hakluyt, 15 Prebendary of St. Augus- 
tine's Cathedral Church, presented "many profitable and 
reasonable inducements," resolved to undertake further 
discoveries. Having first secured the permission of Sir 
Walter Raleigh, a recognition which Gosnold unhappily 
had overlooked as he found on his return, they fitted out 
two vessels, the Speedwell of about fifty tons, and the 
Discoverer of about twenty-six tons, with Martin Pring 
as " Master and Chiefe Commander." Sailing: from Mil- 
ford Haven, April io, 1603, Pring took a direct course 
for the "North Coast of Virginia," which he sighted in 
latitude 43)2°, on an unknown day in June, and passing 
along the coast of Maine, probably from Penobscot Bay, 
he " beheld very goodly groues and woods, replenished 
with tall okes, beeches, pine trees, firre trees, hasels, 
witchhasels and maples. We saw here, also, sundry 
sorts of beasts, as stags, deere, beares, wolues, foxes, 
lusernes and dogges with sharp noses." But finding no 
sassafras, Pring shaped his course for Savage Rock, 


14. It was from this port that Se- 
bastian Cabot in 1497 made his voy- 
age to America. 


15. This was the well known 
anthorof "The Principal Navigations, 
Voyages and Discoveries made by 

English Natives." He was appointed 
prebendary of Bristol in 1-3S4 [ Docu- 
mentary History of the State of 
Maine, Vol. 2, p. xxxviii, note] : and 
of Westminster in 1005. He died 
Oct. 23, 1010, and was buried in 
Westminster Abbey. 



" discouered the yeere before by Captaine Gosnold." 
Here also he found no sassafras, and he " bare into that 
greate Gulfe [Massachusetts Bay] which Captaine Gos- 
nold ouer-shot the yeere before, coasting and rinding 
people on the North side thereof. Not yet satisfied in 
our expectation, we left them and sailed ouer, and came 
to Anchor on the South side, in the latitude of 41 de- 
grees and odde minutes; where we went on Land in a 
certaine Bay, which we called Whitson Bay, by the 
name of the Worshipfull Master John Whitson, then 
Maior of the Citie of Bristol/, and one of the chiefe Ad- 
venturers, and finding a pleasant Hill thereunto adioyn- 
ing, wee called it Mount Aldworth, for Master Robert 
AldwortJis sake, a chiefe furtherer of the Voyage, as 
well with his Purse as with his Trauell. Here we had 
a "sufficient quantitye of Sassafras." 16 

Bancroft and Palfrey, following Belknap, identify 
Whitson's Bay with the harbor of .Edgartown, Martha's 
Vineyard, which is in the latitude of 41 , 25'. The lan- 
guage of Pring's narrative, however, seems to indicate 
that he passed from the north to the south side of the 
"greate Gulfe," and Dr. B. F. DeCosta, 17 more accurately, 
perhaps, identifies Whitson's Bay with Plymouth Harbor, 
and " the pleasant Hill adioyning " with " Captain's Hill, 


10. Mag. of Am. Hist., Vol. 8, p. 841. 
17. Mag. of Am. Hist., Vol. 8, pp. 803, 809. 



or, possibly, Manomet." The Discoverer was loaded 
with sassafras and despatched to England at the close 
of July. About the 9th of August, Pring followed in 
the Speedwell, and arrived in England October 2. lS 

18. There is a monument to Pring in St. Stephen's Church, Bristol, England, 
with this inscription : 






The living worth of this dead man was such, 

That this fay'r Touch can give you but A Touch 

Of his admired guifts ; Theise quarter'd Arts 

Enrich'd his knowledge and ye spheare imparts ; 

His heart's true embleme where pure thoughts did moue ; 

By a most sacred Influence from aboue, 

Prudence and fortitude are topp this tombe, 

Which in brave Pringe tooke up ye chiefest roome ; 

Hope — Time supporters showe that he did clyme, 

The highest pitch of hope though not of tyme. 

His painefull, skillful trauayles reacht as farre, 

As from the Arctick to the Antarctick starre ; 

Hee made himselfe A Shipp, Keligion 

His onely compass, and the truth alone 

His guiding Cynosure, faith was his sailes, 

His anchour hope, A hope that never failes ; 

His freighte was charitie, and his returne 

A fruitfull practise. In this fatal vine 

His shipp's fayr Bulck is lodg'd, but ye ritch ladinge 

Is housed in heaven never fadinge. 

nw* An„ rt I Salutatis, 1626. 
Ubit Anno > t.^,..„ tr 

) vLtatis, 40. 

This monument was Beautified by Mrs. Hannah Oliver, Widdow, 1733. Mag. 

of Am. Hist., Vol. 9, p. 211. 


Pring's safe return, and the reports which he brought 
of the fertility of the country and of the prospect of 
trade with the Indians, (which in 1604, with the French 
in Canada, in beaver and otter skins alone, amounted to 
thirty thousand crowns), confirmed the report of Gos- 
nold, and increased the interest that had already been 
awakened in the new world beyond the seas. 

Among those who had aided in fitting out Gosnold's 
expedition was Henry Wriothesley, Earl of Southamp- 
ton, the well known English statesman to whom Shake- 
speare, in 1593, dedicated his " Venus and Adonis." He 
was connected with Essex in the conspiracy to seize the 
person of Elizabeth, and though on his trial he protested 
that he had never entertained a thought against the 
Queen, he was stripped of his titles and estates and 
thrown into prison. In the first year of James I., how- 
ever, he was released from confinement, and his titles 
and estates were restored to him by a new patent July 
21, 1603. Shortly after occurred the return of Pring, 
'and, in his ardor for new enterprises, where could he find 
so inviting a field for noble endeavor as in the land be- 
yond the seas, concerning which Pring, confirming Gos- 
nold, had brought such favorable reports ? Moreover, 
by reason of the changed fortunes of Raleigh, 19 the lands 

19. Dr. Leonard Woods, in his in- 
troduction to Vol. 2, of the Docu- 


mentary History of Maine, p. xlvi, 
says that Raleigh held this grant un- 



across the Atlantic, of which he had been lord proprie- 
tor for so many years, had now reverted to the crown, 
and wise management might secure the prize that so 
suddenly had fallen from Sir Walter's grasp. Accord- 
ingly, in the year 1604, he planned a new voyage of 
discovery. Associated with him were his son-in-law, 
Thomas Arundel, afterwards Baron of Wardour, 20 and Sir 


til its forfeiture by the attainder of 
James in 1603. This seems to be 
based upon a statement in Strachey's 
introduction to his Historie of Trav- 
aile into Virginia [Hakluyt Society 
reprint, p. 9] : " which, true yt is, 
before Sir W. It. his attaynder, with- 
out his leave we might not make in- 
trusion uppon, the title being only in 
him." Kaleigh was arrested in the 
summer of 1G03 on the charge (of 
which he is now believed to have 
been guiltless) of having conspired 
with others " to deprive the king of 
his crown and dignity, to subvert the 
government and alter the true religion 
established in England, and to levy 
war against the king." lie was tried 
before Chief Justice Fopham, and 
having been found guilty was by him 
sentenced to death. Dec. 15, 160.0, 
while he was preparing to lay his 
head upon the block, a reprieve came 
from the king, and he was transferred 
to the Tower, where he remained un- 
til March 20, 1616, except for a brief 
period, during the plague, in which he 

was confined in the Fleet Prison be- 
cause of the unhealthiness of the 

20. Thomas Arundell, Baron of 
Wardour, was the oldest son of Sir 
Mathew Arundell, Kt., whose father, 
Sir Thomas Arundell, married Mar- 
garet, daughter of Edward Howard, 
third son of Thomas, Duke of Nor- 
folk, and sister to Queen Catherine. 
He served as a volunteer in the im- 
perial army in Hungary, and having 
in .an engagement with the Turks 
near Strigonium taken their standard 
with his own hand, he was created 
by Rudolph II., Emperor of Ger- 
many, a count of the Empire by 
patent, dated Prague, Dec. 1-4, 1505. 
He was elevated to the peerage, as 
Baron Arundell, of Wardour, May 4, 
1605. He died Nov. 7, 1639, at War- 
dour Castle, and was buried at Tys- 
bury. His first wife was Mary, 
daughter of Henry Wriothesley, Earl 
of Southampton. His second wife 
was Ann, daughter of Miles Philip- 
son, of Crook, County of Westmore- 



Ferdinando Gorges, 21 whose name is thenceforward so 
prominent in the history of the colonization of this part 
of the American coast. 

The command of this new expedition was given to 
Captain George Waymouth, a native of Devonshire, 22 
probably of one of its seaport towns. He had a good 
English education, and for many years continued his 
studies in mathematics, especially in geometry. He 
became also an accomplished draughtsman. His 
studies, however, must have been continued after he 
entered upon a sea-faring life, inasmuch as he had to do 
with ships, as he tells us, as soon as he was able to do 


land. Dr. C. E. Banks, of the U. S. 
Marine Service, has a valuable gene- 
alogical table of "the noble family 
of Arundell Baron Arundell of War- 
dour"; also an old engraving by 
Fittler of a painting by R. Smirke, 
representing Sir Thomas Arundell 
taking the standard of the Turks. 

21. This appears in a letter writ- 
ten by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, dated 
Plymouth, March 13, 1007, and ad- 
dressed to " Mr. Challinge "— Capt. 
Henry Challoung, who in 1600 was 
placed by Gorges and others in com- 
mand of an expedition to the Amer- 
ican coast which proved a failure. 
Referring to Challoung's venture, 
Gorges says: "You know that the 
journey hath bene noe smalechardga 
to us, yt first sent to the coast, and 

bad for our returne but the five sal- 
uages," i. e., the five Indians captured 
by Waymouth, of whom Gorges, on 
Waymouth. 's return to England, re- 
ceived three. As Sir John Popham 
received the remaining two of these 
Indians, it is possible that he also 
had an interest in the voyage. 

22. Narratives of Voyages towards 
the Northwest. Publication of the 
Hakluyt Society, London, 1840, p. 
238. The place where Waymouth 
was born I have been unable to as- 
certain, although an extended search 
was instituted. James P. Baxter, 
Esq., when in England in 1885-0, 
aided me greatly !n this investigation, 
but his usual good fortune failed him 
in this instance. 


anything, and served " in well neere four prentize 
shipps," passing through all grades of the service, and 
filling " all the offices belonging to this trade, even from 
the lowest unto the highest." He extended his studies 
beyond the art of navigation, and made himself familiar 
with ship-building and also with the art of fortification. 
We have no record of any of his voyages until 1602, 
when, under the patronage of " the Worshipful Fellow- 
ship of the Merchants of London trading into the East 
Indies," he mades a voyage in search of a Northwest 
passage to the Indies. The proposal for such an under- 
taking was brought to the notice of the Fellowship, July 
24, 1601. On that day, a letter, "written by one 
George Waymouth, a navigat 1 ", touching an attempte 
to be made for the discovery of the Northwest passage 
to the Est Indies," was laid before the General Court. 
After deliberation, the matter was postponed to another 
meeting, which was held August 7, and at which it was 
voted to engage in such an expedition. Waymouth 
entered the service of the Fellowship in September. 
May 2, 1602, having made his preparations for the voyage, 
he sailed from the Thames with two vessels, the Dis- 
covery and the Godspeed, bearing with him the follow- 
ing letter from Queen Elizabeth to the Emperor of 
Cathay : 

" Elizabeth, 


" Elizabeth, bv the Grace of God Oueen of England, 
France and Ireland, Defender of the faith, &c., To the 
great, mighty and Invincible Emperour of Cathaia, greet- 
ing. Wee haue receiued dyuers and sondry relacons 
both by our owne subiects, and by others, whoe haue 
uisited some parts of your Ma ts Empire and Dominions, 
whereby strangers that resorte unto yo r Kingdomes with 
trade of merchandize w ch hath wrought in vs a desire to 
fynde oute some neere waye of passage by seas from vs 
into your countrey, than the vsuall frequented course 
that hetherto hath byn houlden by compassing the 
greatest part of the world:' By which neerer passage, 
not only opportunity of entercourse of traffique of mer- 
chandize may be offred betweene y e subiects of both 
o r Kingdomes, but also a mutuall league and amity may 
growe, and be contynued, betweene yo r ma tie and vs, 
o r Cuntries and Dominions being in their distance of 
scituacons not so farr remote, or seuered, as they are 
estranged and vnknown the one to the other, by reason 
of the lonq- and tedious course of Navis;acon hetherto 
vsed from theis parts unto you: To which ende wee 
haue heretofore many yeares past and at sundry tymes 
synce, made choice of some of o r subiects, being a 
people by nature enclyned to great attempts, and to the 
discouery of contries and Kingdomes vnknowen, and sett 



them in hand w th the fynding out of some neerer pas- 
sage by seas into yo r Ma t8 contries, through the North 
or East parts of the world, wherein hetherto not pre- 
uayling, but some of their ships neuer returning back 
agayne, nor being heard of synce their departure hence, 
and some of them retourning back agayne being hin- 
dered in their entended voyage by ihe frozen seas, and 
intollerable cold of those clymates : Wee haue yett 
once more, of o r earnest desire to try the vttermost 
y t may be done to p forme at length a neerer discovery 
of yo r Contrye, prepared and sett fourth two small shipps 
vnder y e deriction of our subiect and seruant George 
Waymouth, being y e principall Pylott of this present 
voyage, a man for his knowledge and experience in 
nauigacon specially chosen by vs to this attempte, whom 
if it shall please God so to prosper in his passage, 
y t either hee or any of his company aryue in any part 
of your Kingdome, wee pray yo r Ma tie in fauo r of vs, 
who haue soe desired y G attayning this meanes of ac- 
cesse vnto yo u , and in regard of an enterprize p formed 
by hym and his company, w th so great difficulty and 
danger, y l you will vse them w th that regard y l may gyve 
them encouragem 1 to make this their newe discouered 
passage, w ch hetherto hath not byn frequented or knowne 
by any to become a vsuall frequented trade from this 
pte of y e world to y r Ma tie . " By 


" By which Meanes yo r contrey may hereafter be serued 
w th the natyue comodityes of theis parts of speciall ser- 
uice and use, both for yo r Ma tie and subiects may be fur- 
nished w th thinges of lyke seruice and vse ; out of 
w cb mutuall benefitt, amity and frendshipe may growe 
and be established betweene vs w ch wee for o r part will 
not lett hereby to offer vnto you for the honorable re- 
port w ch wee haue heard of yo r Ma tie . And because in 
y 18 first discouery of the waye to yo r contrey, it seemed 
to vs not convenient to ymploy shipps of that burthen 
w cb might bring in them any great quantity of o r natyue 
comodityes whereby they might be pestered wee did re- 
solue to vse small shipps as fittest for an vnknowen pas- 
sage, laden for y e most part w th such necessaries as were 
of vse for their discouery ; it may please yo r Ma tie by the 
pticulers of such things as are brought in theis shipps, 
to vnderstand yt of goods of those kyndes o r kingdome 
is able to furnish yo r Ma tie most amply, and also of sun- 
dry other kynds of merchandize of like vse, where of it 
may please yo r Ma tie to be more pticularly enformed by 
the said George Waymouth, and his company, of all 
w^ 1 upon significacon vnto vs by yo r Ma ts Lres to be re- 
turned by o r said subiect, yt our uisiting of yo r king- 
domes w th our shipps and merchandize shall be accept- 
able and kyndly receiued, we will in the next fleet 

w ch 



w ch we shall send vnto you make it more fully appeare 
what vse and benefitt or amity and entercourse may 
bring to yo r Matie and contrey. And in the meane tyme 
do commend yo r Ma tie to the protection of eternall God, 
whose prouidence guideth and pserveth all Kinges and 
Kingdomes. From our Royall Pallace of Greenwiche 
the fourth of May an dni 1602 and of o r Raigne 44". 

(Superscribed) " To the Right High mighty and In- 
vincible Emperor of Cathaye." 33 

On the iSth of June Way mouth sighted the southern 
part of Greenland, bearing north about ten leagues. A 
course more or less westerly was then followed until June 
28, when land was discovered, which was at first sup- 
posed to be the American coast, but which proved to be 
Cape Warwick, or Earl Warwick's Foreland, to the 
northward of Resolution Island. July 8th, land was 
again discovered, but on account of the ice the vessels 


23. The original copy of this let- 
ter, written upon vellum, with a 
highly illuminated border upon a rod 
ground, and signed at the bottom by 
Queen Elizabeth in her largest sized 
hand, was found in London about a 
half century ago, in tearing away an 
old closet, in a house where repairs 
were in progress. The letter was ac- 
companied by separate translation. 1 ? 
on paper in Italian, Latin and Portu- 
guese. Jan 23, 1841, Sir Henry Ellis, 

by the kindness of Mr. Hogarth, of 
Portland St., laid this letter before 
the Society of Antiquaries, in Lon- 
don ; and the letter, with fac-simile of 
the signature of the Queen and also 
of the seal attached (of a type not 
before engraved), was printed in 
their proceedings. The original let- 
ter has disappeared. For this curious 
document, and its history, I am in- 
debted to James P. Baxter, Esq. 








Queen Elizabeth's signature and seal attached to the letter 
which she sent by Waytnouth. j,^ *■ 


could not approach it. The cold was now intense. 
" When the men came to hand them they found the 
sayles, ropes, and tacklings so hard frozen, that it did 
seem very strange, being in the cheefest time of sum- 
mer." Waymouth persevered, however, in his endeavor 
to overcome the obstacles in his way. But at length a 
mutiny broke out; and he was reluctantly compelled to 
return to England. He arrived in Dartmouth Harbor 
Aug. 5, 1602, a few days after Gosnold's return from 
Elizabeth Island. A narrative of the voyage was laid 
before the "Worshipful Fellowship of Merchants," Sept. 
16. The failure of the expedition was evidently keenly 
felt by all the members of the company, and an investi- 
gation of the causes that led to the failure was at once 
instituted. Waymouth was examined not only by the 
Court of Committees of the East India Fellowship, but 
by the Lords of the Privy Council. He seems to have 
cleared himself of all blame in the matter, and it was 
decided that " being very competent," he should have 
command of a second expedition. This second expedi- 
tion was the subject of prolonged discussion at the meet- 
ings of the company from Nov. 24, 1602, to May 24, 
1603, an d was then for a time abandoned, apparently 
from pecuniary considerations. Waymouth's connec- 
tion with the Fellowship now probably came to an end, 
and he was ready to embark in any other enterprise that 
offered. His 


His experience as a navigator, and his skill in other 
directions, deserved, as he believed, recognition from 
the King, and in order to bring himself to the favorable 
notice of his royal master, James I., he prepared a work 
on navigation, ship-building, &c, entitled " The Jewell 
of Artes." 24 In his dedication to the King, referring to 
his work, Way mouth says : 

" I undertooke the same for the wealth of youre 
majestie my soueraine lorde and King and of your high- 
nesse realmes and Dominions minding to haue pub- 
lished it for the s^ood of- this whole comon wealth : but 
considering with my selfe that if I shoulde comitt it to 
the presse, the coppies thereof might be conueyed home 
and so foraine nations, for whome I nothing meant it 
should reape as much proffit of it as this my natiue 
cuntrie I therefore of dutie present the same to youre 
royall majestie, referring the publishing of the whole 
booke or any parte there of only to youre majestie's high 
prudence and discretion, the other that youre highnesse 
a most wise and gratious prince hauinge duely consid- 
ered these my laboures and in them my good intent, 


24. This manuscript James P. reer, he caused a fac simile copy to 

Baxter, Esq., of Portland, Me., dia- be prepared, which is now in his 

covered in lBbo in the King's Library, possession. For the use of this copy 

in the British Museum, London. On 
account of the light which it throws 
upon Waymouth's character and ca- 

and other manuscripts, references to 
which will appear later, I am indebted 
to him. 


would vouchsafe to give sentence of me whether I may 
be able to Deserue maintenance and imployment at 
home, or for my necessarie releese enforced to seeke 
the same a broade in foraine cuntries : for all though in 
the performance here of I have so farre neglected my 
necessarie affaires as I am all to gether unable any 
longer to supporte my meane estate, yett shall your 
highnesse but vouchsafe to affirm e me worthie of pre- 
ferment at home in this youre famous Kingdome I 
shall thinke my trauell herein fullie rewarded, be it only 
with youre fauourable acceptance of the same which in 
all humblenesse of Dutie ' I freely give unto Royall 
Majestie and in it my whole state and this with all my 
selfe, to be orderd at your highnesse princelie Discre- 
tion, most humblie beseeching youre highnesse to ac- 
cept the same as the worke of youre poore subject that 
daylie indeauoretli to imploy that still that god hath 
lent him to the increasment of the wellfeare of youre 
royall majestie and to the benefett of this youre famous 
monarchic being most desirous to make due proofe 
unto youre highnesse of all things Demonstrated in 
this present booke when so euer it shall please youre 
highnesse to command me." 

" The Jewell of Artes," thus laid before the King, is a 
manuscript volume of three hundred and twenty pages, 



elegantly bound, the covers emblazoned with the royal 
arms and sprinkled with lions rampant. 

The work is divided into seven books, as follows : 

1 In the first where of as well the auntient instru- 
ment of nauigation newly corrected and- most plainely 
described by Demonstratiue figures, as other more 
exact not before knowne 

2 In the seconde the manner of building shippes by 
a geometricall proportion both shewing the faultes here 
tofore comitted in building and howe to a voyde them, 
and allso howe to make them more offensiue and defen- 
siue than those nowe used 

3 In the thirde the manner, of making of Enjines 
for diuerse uses most comodious both for sea and lande 
newly inuented 

4 In the foureth how to take height of, any tower 
castle or other building with the demonstrations of the 
most necessarie instrumentes to suruey lande with, and, 
allso a most exact instrument for the inlar^eino; or re- 
ducing of any lande keeping allwayes the selfe same 

5 In the flft diuerse most comodious plattes fore 
fortification sett forth by plaine demonstrations with a 
most exact instrument shewing the manner howe to 
direct a mine to any object, and to knowe whether the 


WAYMOUTH'S VOYAGE, 1605. - 25 

enimes doe countermine with Diuerse other deuises to 
offend him, and to Defend the place beseiged in most 
excellent manner 

6 In the sixte the manner of making the most ser- 
viceable kinde of ordinance that ever was Deuised and 
the most artificall cariages for the same being nimble 
and easie to remoue by menes of an Engine there unto 

7 In the seauenth the excellentist instruments for 
gunners arte that euer were deuised with many most 
plaine Demonstrations howe A gunner ought to place 
his ordinance to batter any object all which conclusions 
are to be wrought by the practise of Arithmeticke and 
geometrie without the which no man can attaine to any 
perfect knowledg in those artes. where unto is added 
A breefe table for the findeing of the square and cubique 
seruing to many right Excellent uses. 

In the preface Waymouth states at some length the 
reasons why he was unsuccessful in his voyage for the 
discovery of the North-west passage. The following 
are some of the " Demonstrations " with which the work 

" The Demonstration of the astrolabe to take the 
height or altitude of the sunne by her shadowe." 




" The Demonstration of a most exacte astrolabe to 
take the altitude of the sunne whose Decrees are 
larger then any yet used, and will serue both at sea and 

"The Demonstration of A most excellent Instru- 
ment to finde the height of the pole and the true hower 
all times of the day if the Sunne geve any shadowe, the 
place of the sume and the variation of the needle being 
first knowne all those partes on both sides are partes 
beloing^en the this instrument. " 

u The Demonstration of a most exact compasse seru- 
ing most excellent to finde the variation of the needle 
and allso to Direct a shippe by." 

" The Demonstration of a compasse without a needle 
seruing to direct a shipp by the shadowe of the sunne 
and by the helpe of a watch when other compasses with 
the needle are out of use." 

" The Demonstration of an Instrument to finde the 
tydes in all places, the flowing or the change of the 
moone being first knowen." " The manner of making an 
equinoctiall Diale. A example when you be to the 
southe ward of the equinoctiall and the sunne hauen 
south Declination howe to finde the height of the pole." 

M How to finde the height of the pole by the merid- 
ianall height of the sunne and her declination without 
finding the height of the Equinoctiall." Among 


Among other drawings is one of an engine, by which 
a ship may be defended from a multitude of men 
assaulting the same with "pikes swords or small shot": 
Waymouth says: 

"This Engine ought to be made rounde A foote or 
15 inches heigh from the superficies of the thing where 
upon it is to be placed in the circumference where of 
ought to be placed 6 or 8 small murdering peeces 
which will carry some 40 or 50 muskett bulletes A 
peece and betweene euery 2 of those murderers must 
allso be placed one blad of Iron and Steele made verry 
sharpe as well upon both edges as allso on the pointe 
beinor strons:lie fastened in to the same the whole En- 
gine being couered over with boardes verry close and 
hauing in the very dest of it A winch of Iron to turne it 
About to any corner or part of the shipp where in it 
shall be Assaulted the men that use it being close cou- 
ered under it out of sight and danger may so feircely 
and speedely discharge the saide peeces in to any one 
or diuerse partes of a shipp where it is Assaulted as 
they may soone Destroy the enemie and preserue them 
selves there shipp and goodes from being taken as 
Aboue said and if this Engine shoulde suddenly be 
forced uppon by great multitud of people yet might it 
be so violentlie turned about by those that are under it 



that no man might endure to lay hand uppon it but 
that those blades woulde euen chopp them in peeces you 
may with this Engine hauing but 10 or 12 men to use 
the same defend a shipp from being taken by 3 hundred 
yea if I were to builde a shipp my self after a propor- 
tion that I could prescribe (god assisting me with out 
whose blessing all policies are of no force) I would so 
contriue the same as if it were but of one hundred tunne 
and hauing only but 20 men in it by meanes of this En- 
gine I would defend the same from being taken by fiue 
hundred men useing only the weapons Aboue rehearsed. 
The Demonstration of this Engine you may see plainely 

In the fourth book we are told : 

" How to measure the height of A tower at 2 stations." 
" To measure the deepnesse of any well." 
" To take the distance from any platform bullworkes 
or such like yf the gunners be of good skill in this parte 
and then hee shall not meese his marke that hee shoote 
at or ther ways he may which would be A shame unto the 
gunner and A increasement of the enemys Joye." 

" The Demonstration of a Instrument to take the 
height with of any wall or castle the use where of is 
shewed in this booke by A geometricall table." 



The chapter on fortifications contains many excel- 
lent and elaborate drawings, some beautifully colored. 

One " Demonstration showeth howe by a whole circle 
to line out a fort, castle or towne in forme of a triangle," 
another "in forme of a quadrant angle," another " in 
form of a cinqu angle," and another " in forme of a sex- 
tile angle." There is a " Demonstration of the founda- 
tion and bullwarkes of a castle whose Ditches are De- 
fended by there vaultes, and allso the Demonstration 
of the same castle standing upright, and the skale to 
measure euery parte there of." Also the " Demonstra- 
tion of the foundation and bullwarkes of a castle whose 
Ditches are Defended by there fianckes," with many il- 
lustrations. A " Demonstration howe to be sie°;e a 
towne and howe the towne beseiged may Defend it selfe, 
all whose bullwarkes are built circular." A " Demon- 
stration of a castle beseiged on 3 sides with a scale to 
measure ther distance betweene the castle and those 
that Doth besei^re the same." Then follow directions 
" howe to guide any kinde of mine, leuel or not to wardes 
any towne or castle or other object and to knowe when 
yee are come derectly under that place and howe much 
yee ar under the same and how to guide any mine en- 
clining upward or downward directly upon any point 
Assigned allso the manner yf you shoulde by the way be 



inforced by water or workes or any other impede- 
mentes, howe you may carrie the mine upon any other 
pointe or degree what so euer from the direct coourse 
and howe you shall all ways knowe still the certaine 
place where you are and howe farre yee are distante 
from the first entire of the mine and like wise the dis- 
tance from the place yee desire to goe." 

In the seventh book are given " demonstrations of 
diuerse most necessarie Instrumentes for gunners arte 
neuer yett knowne." The drawings are exceedingly 
elaborate and finely executed. 

" The Jewell of Artes ' bears no date, but this men- 
tion of the voyage of 1602, as of recent occurrence, and 
the silence of the work concerning the voyage of 1605, 
enable us to assign it to the year 1603 or 1604. James 
I. was proclaimed King on the death of Queen Eliza- 
beth, March 24, 1603, but he did not reach London 
until about the middle of April. As " The Jewell of 
Artes " contains about two hundred pages of drawings, 
many of them exceedingly elaborate and in several 
colors, Waymouth could hardly have placed it in the 
King's hands earlier than the beginning of 1604. 

The work must have made on the King and those 
about him an impression exceedingly favorable to its 
author. But it failed to bring employment in the royal 


WAYMOUTH'S VOYAGE, 1605. - 31 

service as Waymouth evidently hoped. I like to think, 
however, that the labor he had spent in its preparation 
was not altogether in vain. Certainly it is possible that 
among those who were permitted to turn its pages, and 
look upon its beautiful and elaborate " Demonstrations," 
was the Earl of Southampton ; and that in part, at least, 
it was Waymouth's skill as a navigator, as illustrated in 
" The Jewell of Artes," that led to his appointment as 
commander of the vessel in which he visited the coast 
of Maine in 1605. 

It is the account of this voyage, and the important 
discoveries made in connection with it, that Rosier gives 
in his " Relation." 

The success of this voyage of 1605 brought Way- 
mouth into public notice, but it did not secure for him 
what he so much desired — employment in the royal 
service. One book in his " Jewell of Artes " is devoted 
to a consideration of defects in ship-building, and the 
way in which to remedy these defects. His views on 
this subject he now again 25 put forth in a brief paper 
entitled " Errors and Defects in vsuall building of 
Ships," a manuscript copy of which, though not in 
Waymouth's handwriting, is in the British Museum. 
In it occurs this reference to himself: "My 

25. The manuscript has no date, of Artes," and seems best to belong 

but it contains more points than the to this period of Waymouth's life, 

book on this subject in "The Jewell 


" My study this twenty yeares in ye Mathematicks 
hath been cheefly directed to ye mending of these de- 
fects. I have during this tyme applied my self to know 
ye sevrall wayes of building, & ye secrets of ye best 
shipwrightes in England & Christendome ; and haue 
lykewise observed ye workings of ships in ye sea in all 
ye voyages I have been. By these helps I have demon- 
stratively gayned ye science of making of ships perfect 
in Art, which of necessity must be wrought by a differ- 
ing way from all ye shipwrights in ye world." 

Though Way mouth failed to obtain employment from 
the King, his services were at length acknowledged. 
By Privy Seal dated Oct. 27, 1607, and Patent dated 
Nov. 11, 1607, a pension of three shillings and four 
pence per day was granted to him. The record in the 
Public Records Office in London is as follows: 

" Georgio Waymouth, gentili, de annuitate sua ad 
iii s. iiii d. per diem solvenda durante vita sua, ad 
quatuor anni terminos, per litteras Domini Regis Pat- 
entees dates XI die Novembri Anno Regni sue Auge. 
etc quinto . . . Habendum a festo sancti Michaelis, 
archangeli, ultimo preterito, ei debito pro dimidio anni 

finito ad festum Annuntiationis pred xxx li, viii s. 

1111 d. 

The first payment to Waymouth, as the Issue Rolls 
show, was made May 11, 1608. Not 



Not long after, Waymouth became involved in an 
unpleasant controversy. On account of complaints made 
to the King, a royal commission was appointed to in- 
vestigate certain abuses in the public service, the 
alleged purpose being the " Reformation and saveing of 
great sums to his majestie which he expended yearly 
in the maintenance of his ships." Phineas Pette, 26 a 
master shipwright, who at that time was engaged in 
building a "great ship " for the King, at Woolwich, 
refers in his " Journal " to the investigations made by 
this commission with reference to his own work. 
From his account, it appears that Waymouth was em- 
ployed by the commission as an expert. Referring to 
his opponents, Pette says : 

"They had alsoe wonne to their Partie by much im- 
portunity and by means of a particular letter directed 
from the Lord Northampton to him to that very pur- 

26. Thineas Pette was the son of 
Peter Pette, of Deptford, one of her 
Majesty's shipwrights, and was born 
Nov. 1, 1570. In 1586, he was sent 
to Emmanuel College, Cambridge. 
His father died in 1589, and in the 
following year, for lack of means, he 
was unable to continue his residence 
at Cambridge, and was apprenticed 
to a shipwright at Deptford. Further 
misfortunes came to him; but at 
length better days returned, and in 

time he attained to eminence as a 
shipwright. This manuscript " Jour- 
nal," which records his varying for- 
tunes, and is of interest on account 
of his public service and the glimpses 
it gives us of King James I., the 
Prince, and other prominent persons, 
is in the British Museum. A copy, 
containing 321 pages, is in the pos- 
session of James P. Eaxter, Esq., 
Portland, Me. 


pose a great Bragadochio a vage and idle fellow some 
time a Mariner and M r called by the name of Captaine 
George Waymouth who having much acquaintance 
abroad amongst gentlemen was to disperse the insuf- 
ficiency of my business reporting how I was no Artist 
and altogether insufficient to Performe such a service, 
of noe experience," etc. 

At the hearing before the King, Pette's opponents 
failed to substantiate the charges they had brought 
against him, and he was acquitted by the King. Pette, 
who can hardly find words with which to express his 
contempt for Waymouth, and gleefully narrates a case 
in which the latter's failure as a shipwright is sketched, 
says that early in November, 1609, Waymouth humbly 
apologized to him for the part he had borne in the accu- 
sations made to the Kinor. 

The next we hear of Waymouth is in connection 
with the siege of Julich, an important town in one of 
the Rhine provinces, and about sixteen miles northeast 
of Aix-la-Chapelle. A dispute had arisen in 1609, on 
the death of the Duke, John William, with reference to 
the Julich succession. The Duke died childless, and it 
was seen that if the territory which he had ruled should 
fall into the hands of the Roman Catholics, the hopes 
of the States would be crushed. If, on the contrary, it 





should fall into Protestant hands, the States would be 
greatly strengthened. And so Prince Maurice marched 
upon Julich in the summer of 16 10, and, with other 
forces which were added to his, laid siege to the place 
and captured it. This was the beginning of the Thirty 
Years' War. 

Our knowledge of Waymouth's connection with this 
siege is derived from a manuscript in the King's Library 
in the British Museum. It is entitled "A Journall Rela- 
tion of the service at the takeino* in of the towne and 
castle of Gulicke this present yeare 1610, with a plott of 
the towne and castle as it is againe to be fortified. 
George Waymouth." 27 The manuscript gives a detailed 
account of the siege, the names of the officers in com- 
mand, and the three places where battles were fought. 
to which is added a plan of the fortification. It is possi- 
ble that during this siege Waymouth had an opportunity 
of testing some of his own speculations with reference 
to military operations. 

27. This manuscript, like the two 
other Waymouth manuscripts to 
which I have referred, was discovered 
by James P. Baxter, Esq. It bears 
upon the cover the royal arms, with 
the initials G. II. R. 1757, showing 
that the manuscript belonged to 
George the Second. It is in the same 
handwriting as the manuscript on 


"Errors and Defects in usuali build, 
ing of Ships." The manuscript is not 
signed or dated. " The name George 
Waymouth," says .Mr. Baxter, " is in 
the hand of the scribe and has a line 
drawn through it. It was neatly 
written, but contains many erasures 
and corrections, probably suggested 
by Waymouth after hearing it read." 



Nothing further concerning Waymouth is known 
except in connection with the payment of his pension. 
The last entry which can be found is on the Issue Roll 
for Easter, 1612, at which date Waymouth was still alive. 
There are unfortunately no existing rolls for Michael- 
mas, 161 1, Easter, 161 2, or Easter, 161 3, and as the 
name of Waymouth does not appear on the intermedi- 
ate rolls, viz: those for Easter, 161 1, Michaelmas, 161 2, 
and Michaelmas, 161 3, nor in those of the following 
years, 16 14-16 16, it may be presumed that the last pay- 
ment made to him was either at Michaelmas, 161 2, 
Easter, 161 3, or Easter, 1614, which payment would in 
all probability precede or follow his death. 

Waymouth 's writings show that he was a man of more 
than ordinary intelligence in all matters pertaining to 
his profession. As Mr. Baxter says : " He was no rough 
mariner, as we have heretofore supposed, but a scholar, 
a dreamer indeed, like Raleigh, of whom he reminds me, 
especially in his treatise on ships, which was also a 
theme of Raleigh's pen." He must have had, however, 
some important defects of character or his advancement 
could hardly have been prevented. His end doubtless 
brought to him a glad release. With the exception of 
his voyage of 1605, ill fortune attended him for the most 
part. Disappointment followed disappointment, and 



death in all probability robbed him of no coveted honor. 
Concerning Rosier, I have been able to learn no 
more than what appears in his " Relation." Belknap 
(Am. Biography, Harper's Ed., Vol. 2, p. 208, note) says 
that Rosier was connected with Gosnold's expedition, 
and wrote an account of the voyage, which he presented 
to Sir Walter Raleigh. This is an error made by Pur- 
chas, who in his " Pilgrimmes " (IV. pp., 1646-165 3) cites 
three documents relating to Gosnold's voyage to Amer- 
ica in 1602 : 1. A letter from Capt. Gosnold to his 
father ; 2. Gabriel Archer's account of the voyage ; 3. 
A chapter entitled " Notes taken out of a tractate writ- 
ten by James Rosier to Sir Walter Raleigh." This 
tractate presented to Raleigh was not written by 
Rosier, but by John Brereton. 23 

It has been' said that in his "Relation," Rosier wrote 
obscurely so that enterprising navigators in other coun- 
tries might not profit by Waymouth's discoveries. This 
is true so far as locality is concerned. There were 
those in these countries who, as he says in his prefatory 
note to the reader, "hoped hereby to gaine some knowl- 
edge of the place." And he adds: "This is the cause 
that I haue neither written of the latitude or variation 
most exactly obserued by our Captaine with sundrie in- 

28. Gosnold's letter to his father, 
and Archer's and Brereton's narra- 

tives are in Mass. Hist. Col., Od 
Series, Vol. 8. 



struments, which together with his perfect Geograph- 
icall Map of the countrey, he entendeth hereafter to set 
forth." 29 He likewise omitted a collection of many In- 
dian words, reserving them " to be made knowen for the 
benefit of those that shal goe in the next Voyage." But 
this was all that was withheld. " Our particular pro- 
ceedings in the whole Discouerie," he says, " the com- 
modious situation of the Riuer, the fertilitie of the land, 
with the profits there to be had, and here reported, I 
refer to be verified by the whole Company, as being eye- 
witnesses of my words." Rosier could hardly have used 
stronger language in insisting upon the absolute accu- 
racy and trustworthiness of his narrative. 

29. Hosier, near the close of his 
"Relation," again refers to this pur- 
pose. Waymouth unquestionably 
made a report, which included, as is 

here stated, a carefully prepared 
map ; but neither the report nor the 
map can now be found. 


EFERENCES to Waymouth's voyage are to 
be found in the narratives of subsequent nav- 
igators, in histories, and other writings. The 

following citations are from the more important of these 


Champlain was on the coast of Maine in 1605, as was 
Way mouth. From his narrative (Voyages of Sieur de 
Champlain, published in Paris in 161 3, Prince Society 
Ed., Vol. 2, pp. 55-93) we learn that he left the island 
of St. Croix June iS (N. S.) 1605. Following the coast 
as far as Cape Cod, he reached the Kennebec on his 
return July 29. From an Indian named Anasou he 
then learned : 

" That there was a ship, ten leagues off the harbor, 
which was en^asred in fishing and that those on her had 




killed 30 five savages of this river 31 under cover of friend- 
ship. From his description of the men on the vessel we 
concluded that they were English, and we named the 
island 32 where they were La Nef ; for at a distance it 
had the appearance of a ship." 

The next reference to Waymouth's voyage is found 
in a " Relation of a Voyage into New England, begun 
from the Lizard ye First of June 1607, by Capt n Pop- 
ham in ye Ship ye Gift, and Capt 11 Gilbert in ye Mary 
and John," written, it is thought, by James Davies, one 
of the Council of the Popham Colony, who accom- 
panied the expedition. 33 Of the two vessels mentioned, 


30.* As will be seen in the ^Rela- 
tion " this was an error. The sav- 
ages were made captives at Pentecost 
Harbor, and were taken to England. 

31. In the words "of this river" 
Slafter, (Champion's Voyages, Prince 
Society Ed., Vol. 2, p. 01) finds an in- 
timation that the river discovered by 
Waymouth was the Kennebec. If, 
however, Waymouth had been in the 
Kennebec with his ship, Anasou could 
hardly have failed to mention it. 
What he doubtless meant was that 
the Indians captured by Waymouth 
belonged to the tribe to which he be- 
longed. This tribe occupied the ter- 
ritory between the Kennebec and the 
Penobscot. That the captives were 
Pemaquid Indians is evident for rea- 
sons that will be given in connection 

with Rosier's account of their cap- 

32. This island, as all writers agree, 
so far as I am aware, was Monhe- 
gan, and it is worthy of notice that 
Anasou locates Waymouth's ship so 
far away from the Kennebec. It is 
evident that he had received only 
rumors in reference to Waymouth, 
and those, too, of not a very recent 
date, as Waymouth had sailed for 
England several weeks before. 

33. The manuscript of this sketch 
was found in the summer of 1875, in 
the Library of Lambeth Palace, Lon- 
don, by the Rev. B. F. DeCosta, D. D., 
of New York. " A sort of title page," 
he says, " has been prefixed to the 
manuscript, in an early hand, by a 
former possessor, reciting that it was 



the first to arrive on the coast was the Mary and John. 
August 6th, having sighted the Camden Hills — "three 
high mountains that lie in upon the mainland near unto 
the river of Penobscot, in which river the bashabe makes 
his abode," — Capt. Gilbert stood in toward them until 
noon. Changing his course then to the west, he sighted 
three islands " lying together, being low and flat by the 
water, showing white as if it were sand, but it is white 
rocks making show afar off almost like unto Dover 
Cliffs/' They were Seal, Wooden Ball and Ragged 
Islands of the Matinicus group, which "lie due east and 
west one of the other." The narrative continues: 

"From hence we kept still our course west and west 
by north towards three other islands that we saw lying 
from these islands before spoken of eight leagues, and 
about ten of the clock at night we recovered them, and 
having sent in our boat before night to view it, for that 
it was calm, and to sound it and to see w r hat good an- 
choring was under it, we bore in with one of them, the 


found among the papers of Sir Fer- 
dinando Gorges by one William Grif- 
fith." Dr. De Costa obtained per- 
mission to copy the manuscript for 
publication, and in May, 1800, he 
laid his copy with a preface and notes 
before the Massachusetts Historical 
Society. His communication is print- 
ed in the Proceedings of the Society, 

Vol. 18, pp. 82-117. A comparison 
of the narrative with chapters VIII, 
IX. and X., of " Strachey's Historic of 
Trauaile into Virginia Britannia " 
showed that either that manuscript, 
or a copy of it, was used by Strachey 
in his preparation of his work, as 
"portions of the manuscript were 
copied by him almost verbatim." 



which as we came in by we still sounded, and found 
very deep water forty fathom hard aboard of it. So 
we stood into a cove in it, and had twelve fathom water, 
and there we anchored until the morning, and when the 
day appeared we saw we were environed round about 
with 'islands; you might have told near thirty islands 
round about us from aboard our ship. This island we 
call St. Georges Island, 34 for that we here found a cross 


34. Dr. De Costa (Proceedings 
Mass. Hist. Soc, Vol. 18, p. 101, note) 
is of the opinion that the island near 
which Capt. Gilbert anchored was 
Monhegan. But Monhegan cannot 
be reached on a " west and west by 
north" course from .Capt. Gilbert's 
position approaching the Matinicus 
Islands. Furthermore, on such a 
course, Monhegan would not appear 
as one of three islands, but an island 
by itself. Nor would one at anchor 
under Monhegan find himself " en- 
vironed round about with islands." 
There is not an island, except Ma- 
nana, within five nautical miies. As 
Rev. Henry 0. Thayer, in a paper 
read before the Maine Historical So- 
ciety, Dec. 22, 1885, referring to this 
point, says : " This is a clearly im- 
possible statement applied to Monhe- 
gan. The nearest neighbors to the 
lonely isle are Allen's and Burnt, six 
miles distant. Still further away on 
the left, a practiced eye in fine weath- 

er can make out three or four small 
ones stretching towards Pemaquid. 
In the clearest atmosphere, Seguin in 
the west, and in the east, Matinicus 
and Metinic, perhaps another, can be 
distinguished at those long distances. 
An ordinary observer would at first 
notice only two, — Allen's and Burnt ; 
with a sharper eye sweeping the hori- 
zon one might count nine or ten. 
But their distance makes this lan- 
guage wholly forced and inadmissi- 
ble. Even the two of the Georges at 
their distance would never be re- 
ferred to as environing a ship. The 
description is entirely inapt in appli- 
cation to Monhegan." The St. Georges 
Islands, on the other hand, are eight 
leagues distant from the Matinicus 
Islands, and in the direction men- 
tioned. In St. George's Harbor, too, 
one could very properly say that he 
was "environed round about with 
islands." There are more than thirty 
islands in a radius of ten miles. 



set up, the which we suppose was set up by George 
Wayman." 35 

The Gift, Captain Gilbert's consort, came to the 
same anchorage on the following day, which indicates a 
previous agreement on the part of the commander of 
his vessels. In other words here was the chosen rendez- 
vous. 36 The narrative continues : 

" This night following about midnight, Captain Gil- 
bert caused his ship's boat to be manned and took to 
himself thirteen other, myself being one, being fourteen 
persons in all, and took the Indian Skidwarres with us. 
The weather being fair and the wind calm, we rowed to 
the west in fmiongst many gallant islands, and found the 
river of Pemaquyd to be but four leagues w r est from the 


35. The finding of this cross is 
significant. In Rosier's "Relation" 
we read that on the 29th of May, 
1605, Way mouth, while his vessel 
was at anchor in Pentecost Harbor, 
"set up a cross on the shore side 
upon the rocks." Gilbert undoubted- 
ly had a copy of Rosier's " Relation " 
with hiin, and was evidently looking 
for this cross, else why not mention 
IYing who was on the coast in the 
preceding year, or Champlain, or 
Gosuold, who preceded Waymouth ? 

36. This statement is confirmed 
by Sir Ferdinando Gorges in his 
Briefc Narration (Maine Hist. Soc. 
Collections, Vol. 2, p. 21), where it is 

remarked, " They arrived at their 
rendezvous the 8th of August." Rev. 
Henry 0. Thayer adds: "There 
was evidently a design to tarry at this 
place, — a politic and honorable one, — 
to make early acquaintance with and 
gain the favor of the natives. Skid- 
warres, returning with them after his 
knowledge of the world across the 
sea, acted as guide, interpreter and 
assistant in this bit of diplomacy and 
incipient statecraft, as the represent- 
atives of the British throne and pos- 
sessions of choice chartered rights* 
sought friendly alliance with a native 
tribe in the new world." 



island we call St. Georges, where our ship remained 
still at anchor. Here we landed in a little cove by 
Skidwarres direction, and marched over a neck of land 
near three miles. So the Skidwarres brought us to the 
savages houses where they did inhabit, although much 
against his will, for that he told us that they were all re- 
moved and gone from the place they were wont to in- 
habit ; but we answered him again that we would not 
return back until such time as we had spoken with some 
of them. At length he brought us where they did in- 
habit, where we found near a hundred of them, men, 
women and children, and the chief commander of them 
is Nahanada." 37 

The next reference to Waymouth's voyage is in 
Captain John Smith's Description of New England, 
which was published in London in 1616. Capt. Smith 
was on the coast of Maine in the summer of 16 14. In 


37. Nahanada was one of the In- 
dians captured by Waymouth in 1605. 
He must have returned with Pring in 
his voyage of 1606. Skidwarres was 
also one of Waymouth's captives. It 
is supposed by some that Captain Gil- 
bert, under the guidance of Skid- 
warres, proceeding in his boat west- 
ward, passed Pemaquid Point, and 
thence made his way to Pemaquid 
Harbor. He certainly did, if by row- 
ing he found what is now known as 

Pemaquid Kiver. The distance from 
St. George's Harbor to Pemaquid 
Harbor is about the same as that 
mentioned, viz: four leagues. But 
from the fact that after landing, Gil- 
bert and his party " marched over a 
neck of land near three miles," seems 
rather to indicate that they landed at 
New Harbor and crossed the Neck to 
Partridge's Point, where they found 
the Indian camp and also "the river 
of Pemaquyd." 



his Description (Veazie Reprint, Boston, 1865, p. 22,) 
he says : 

" Northward six or seven decrees is the Riuer Sara- 
dahock, where was planted the Westerne Colony, by 
that Honourable Patrone of vertue Sir John Popham 
Lord Chief Iustice of England. 38 Ther is also a rela- 
tion printed by Captaine Bartholomew Gosuou/d, of 
Elizabeth's lies : and an other by Captaine Waymoth 

of Pemmaquid." 39 


38. The fact that the Popham Col- 
ony settled at the mouth of the Ken- 
nebec has been urged in favor of the 
theory that the river discovered by 
Way mouth was the Kennebec. It is 
to be remembered, however, that 
Pring was on the coast in 1G0G, in 
the interest of the same parties as 
Waymouth in the preceding year, 
and on his return, having made "a 
more perfect discovery of all those 
rivers and harbors," laid before 
Gorges his " most exact discovery of 
that country." Those familiar with 
the history of the voyage of the Pop- 
ham colonists will remember that as 
the vessels proceeded westward from 
the place of rendezvous, the landmark 
they looked for was Seguin. " Thurs- 
day in the morning, break of day, 
being the 13ih August, the Island of 
Sutquin bore north of us, not past 
half a league from us, and it riseth 
in this form hereunder following [a 

sketch is given], the which island 
lieth right before the mouth of the 
river Sagadehock south from it neer 
two leagues, but we did not make it 
to be Sutquin, so we set our sails and 
stood to be westward for to seek it 
two leagues further, and not finding 
the river of Sagadehock, we knew 
that we had overshot the place." (Pro- 
ceedings Mass. Hist. Soc, Vol. 18, p. 
103.) Rosier makes no mention of 
this striking landmark, and such 
knowledge must have been received 
from Pring. Prince, in his pamphlet 
on " Hosier's Narrative," also sug- 
gests that a good and sufficient rea- 
son wiiy the Popham colonists settled 
at the mouth of the Kennebec was, 
" that the French laid claim to and 
were at this time colonizing at the 
eastward, and it was considered de- 
sirable to locate as far from their 
rivals as convenient." 
39. If Waymouth printed a " Re- 

4 6 


In Smith's Generall Historie of Virginia (Book I. p. 
18, sq.) published in London in 1626, there is a con- 
densed account of Rosier's narrative of Waymouth's 
voyage. After referring to the island (Monhegan) 
where Waymouth- first landed, Smith says: 

" From hence we might discerne the mayne land 
and very high mountaines, the next day because we rode 
too open to the Sea, we waighed, and came to the 
Isles adioinino; to the mayn ; anions which we found an 
excellent rode, defended from all windes, for ships of any 
burthen in 6, 7, S, 9 or 10 f adorn vpon a clay oze. 
This was vpon a Whitsonday, wherefore we called it 
Pentecost I/ardour" 40 

Between .the publication of Smith's Description of 
New England and his Generall Historie of Virginia, 
William Strachey wrote, probably in 161S, his Historie 
of Travaile into Virginia Britannia. In chapter vii. 
(Maine Hist. Soc. Collections, Vol. 3, p. 287) he gives 
an account of k '' Capt. George Weymouth's voyage." 
He savs : 

lation " it has not been preserved. 
In ail probability, Smith has in mind 
Rosier's " Relation/' which he used 
in preparing his Generall Historic. 
The fact worthy of notice here is 
that by Pemaquid, Smith evidently 
meant a place, not a river. He also 
knew Pemaquid from Sagadahoc. In 

" What 

his narrative he correctly locates the 
Popham Colony on the Kennebec, 
but he fails anywhere to connect 
Waymouth with that river. 

40. As Smith professes to give 
only a condensation of Rosier's " Re- 
lation," it is not necessary that I 
should quote further. 



" What paines he tooke in discovery may witness the 
many convenyent places upon the mayne, and isles, and 
rivers, together with that little one of Pamaquid, 41 and 


41. As Strachey had Rosier's " Re- 
lation" before him when he wrote, 
the reference here evidently is to the 
"little narrow nooke of ariuer" up 
which the Indians endeavored to lure 
Waymouth and his men for the pur- 
pose of trade, as they claimed, but 
with hostile designs as Waymouth 
feared. That this "little narrow 
nooke of a riuer" was what is now 
known as the Peinaquid River, as is 
commonly taken for granted, is mere- 
ly an inference. The references to 
the Pemaquid River in early docu- 
ments that have come down to us 
show that, in most cases certainly, 
what is now known as the Pemaquid 
River could not have been in the 
minds of those who used this designa- 
tion in their writings. Thus in 1G25 
Purchas (His Pilgrimmes, Vol. 4, p. 
1GT3), giving the names of the rivers 
in the country of Mawooshen, men- 
tions the Pemaquid, which he says is 
" four days journey j sixteen miles, as 
the estimate shows] from the mouth 
of the Quibiquesson, with ten fathoms 
of water at the mouth, and forty 
miles up the river there were two 
fathoms and a half at low water; on 
both sides of this river for a good 
distance, the ground is like unto a 
pleasant meadow, full of long grass." 

This certainly could not be what is 
now known as the Pemaquid River. 

In the letters patent to Robert Aid- 
worth and Giles Elbridge, of Bristol, 
under the seal of the President and 
Council of New England, dated Feb. 
29, 1631, signed by the Earl of War- 
wick and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 
there is a grant of 12,000 acres, " the 
same land to be bounded, chosen, 
taken and laid out neare the River 
Comonly called or known by the 
name of PEMAQUID, or by what 
other name or names the same is or 
have been or hereafter shal be called 
or knowne by and next adioyning by 
both along the Sea Coast as the Coast 
lyeth ; and Soe upp the River as farr 
as may Containe the said Twelve 
Thousand acres within the said 
bredth and length." (Col. Me. Hist. 
Soc, Vol. 5, p. 210.) The implication 
is that the 12,000 acres might be laid 
out " upp the River" without reach- 
ing its source ; but no one would use 
such language in laying out such a 
tract of land on what is now known 
as the Pemaquid River. 

The members of the Plymouth 
Council, in 1035, determined to sur- 
render their charter to the King on 
condition that the territory which it 
included should be granted to them- 

4 8 


of his search sixty miles up the most excellent and ben- 
eficyall river of Sagadehoc, which he found capable of 
shippinge for trafique of the greatest burden, a benefitt, 


selves. They proposed to divide the 
territory into twelve Royal Provinces. 
The first (Williamson, Hist, of Maine, 
Vol. 1, p. 256) " embraced the coun- 
try between the St. Croix and Pema- 
quid, and from the head of the latter 
in the shortest distance to Kenne- 
bec, thence upward to its source." 
The second Province included the 
territory from " Pemaquid to Saga- 
dehock." Plainly the reference here 
is not to what is now known as the 
Pemaquid River. 

The next reference to the remaquid 
River which I find is in .Maverick's 
Description of New England, written 
probably in 1G0O. He says : " West- 
ward from Penobscott (which is the 
Southermost Port in Nona Scotia) 
fourteen Leagues of is Pemaquid in 
which River Alderman Aldworth of 
Bristole, setled a company of People 
in the yeare 1025, which Plantation 
hath continued and many Families 
are now settled there." (New Eng. 
Hist, and Gen. Register, Vol. .39, p. 
34.) This settlement of 1G25 was 
made on the eastern side of the 
Neck, and the reference to the river 
must be to some other than what is 
now known as the Pemaquid River. 

In the grant to the Duke of York, 
dated March 12, 1664, occurs the fol- 

lowing : " Charles the Second by the 
Grace of God King of England, Scot- 
land ffrance & Ireland Defender of 
the ffaith &c To all to whom these 
p'nts shall come Greeting : Know yee 
that wee for diverse good Causes and 
Consideracons us thereunto moving 
Have of our speciall Grace Certaine 
knowledge and meere motion Given 
and Granted And by these presents 
for us our heires and successors Do 
Give and Grant unto our Dearest 
Brother James Duke of Yorke bis 
heires and Assignes All that part of 
the Maine Land of New England be- 
ginning at a Certaine place called or 
knowne by the name of St. Croix, 
next adjoyning to New Scotland in 
America and from thence extending 
along the sea-coast unto a certaine 
place called Petuaquine or Pemaquid 
and so up the River thereof to the 
farthest head of ye same as it tend- 
eth northwards and extending from 
thence to the River Kinebequi, and 
so upwards by the shortest course to 
the River Canada northwards." (Coll. 
Me. Hist. Soc, Vol. 5, pp. 6 and 7 of 
Pemaquid Papers.) The western 
boundary here is evidently the same 
as that of the first of the " Royal 
Provinces," which the members of 
the Plymouth Council carved out for 



indeed, alwais to be accompted the richest treasure to 
any land." 42 

In Purchas His Pilgrimmes (Vol. 4, p. 1660,) printed 
in London in 1625, Rosier's "Relation" appears in an 
abridged form, but with a few additions. In the most 
important of these we have the direction of the high 
mountains seen by Way mouth from his anchorage 
north of Monhegan. The passage is as follows : 

" From 

themselves; but no one would have 
thought of making what is now 
known as the Pemaquid River such a 

In the commission of Major Ed- 
mund Andros, as Governor of New 
York, which was dated July 1, 1674, 
we read; "James Duke of Yorke 
and Albany, Earl of Ulster, &c 
Whereas it hath pleased ye King's 
most Excellent Ma t3 my Soveraigne 
Lord and brother by his Lett rs Pat- 
ents to give and grant unto mee and 
my heyres and assignes all that part 
of ye Maine Land of New England 
beginning at a certaine place called 
or knowne by ye name of St. Croix 
next adjoyneing to New Scotland in 
America, and from thence extending 
along ye sea Coast unto a certaine 
place called Pemaquin or Pemaquid 
and soe up the River thereof to ye 
furthest head of the same as it tend- 
eth northwards and extending from 
thence to the River Kinebequi and 
soe upwards by ye shortest course 

to ye River Canada northwards," &c. 
(Documents relating to Colon. Hist- 
of New York, Vol. 3, p. 215.) The 
language here is similar to that al- 
ready cited. 

42. By the river of " Sagadehoc " 
Strachey means the Kennebec. But 
it should be remembered that Stra- 
chey was never on the coast of 
Maine. He came to Virginia in 1G09, 
and was for a time secretary of the 
colony, but returned to England be- 
fore 1612, and wrote the " Historie," 
it is supposed, about 1613. His in- 
formation, therefore, was second 
hand. That Rosier's " Relation " was 
before him as he wrote his account 
sufficiently indicates. He also had 
before him, as has already been re- 
marked, Davies' narrative of the 
planting of the Popham Colony at 
the mouth of the Kennebec. This 
may account for the statement, made 
by Strachey for the first time, that 
the river discovered by Waymouth 
was the Sagadahoc. 



" From hence we might discerne many Hands, and 
the Maine Land, from the west-south-west to the east- 
north-east ; and north-north-east from vs a great way as., 
it then seemed (and as we after found it) vp into the 
Maine, we might discerne very high Mountaines, 
although the Maine seemed but lowe Land, which gave 
vs a hope," etc. 43 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges, in his Briefe Narration, pub- 
lished in London in 1658 (Maine Hist. Soc. Collections, 
Vol. 2, p. 1 7), says that Waymouth, 

" Falling short of his course, happened into a river 
on the coast of America, called Pemaquid." 44 

Oldmixon, in his British Empire in America, pub- 
lished in London, in 1702, (Ed. of 1741, Vol. 1, p. 354,) 


43. The words " north-north-east 
from vs " are not found in Hosier's 
"Relation." It is a matter of no 
slight significance that twenty years 
after Waymonth's return to England, 
and before any discussion had arisen 
in reference to the harbor and river 
he discovered, just these words were 
here inserted, not as an editorial 
emendation, but as a part of the nar- 
rative. Evidently the reason for 
withholding the direction which ex- 
isted in 1G05 no longer existed, and 
the direction was accordingly now in- 


serted in its proper place by authority. 
44. Dr. Edward Ballard (Popham 
Memorial Volume, p. 313) says that 
Gorges here does not mean that the 
river was called Pemaquid, but the 
coast on which the " great river " was 
discovered ; and he refers to Capt. 
John Smith's statement, already cited, 
which says that Waymouth's (Ros- 
ier's) " Relation " described " Pemma- 
quid." Manifestly, the reference 
here is to a tract of country called 
by that name. See the quotation on 
page 45. 



" The trading Voyages of Gosnold and the Bristol 
men began to put the English on new Attempts for a 
Settlement ; but before it could be brought to pass, 
Henry Earl of Southampton, and Thomas Lord Arun- 
del of Wardour, fitted out a ship under the command 
of Capt. George Weymouth, who fell upon the Eastern 
Parts of Long Island (as 'tis now called) where they 
landed, and trafficked with the Indians, made Trial of 
the Soil by English Grain ; and found the Natives more 
affable and courteous than the Inhabitants of those other 
Parts of Virginia which the English had discovered ; 
but the Adventurers, being greedy of Gain, overreach'd 
the Indians, imposing on their Ignorance : of which 
they growing jealous, it occasion'd the many Murders 
and Massacres that follow in the Course of this History. 

" Capt. Weymouth enter'd the River of Powhattan, 
southward of the Bay of Chesapeake. He sail'd up 
above forty miles, finding the channel deep and broad, 
being a Mile over, and 7 to 10 Fathom in Depth, having 
Creeks on every Side at every half mile Distance, all 
deep and safe, in which Ships of 500 Tons may ride in 
many Places, with a Cable on Shore in the soft Oaze." 

Rev. William Hubbard, who died in 1704, in his 
General History of New England from the Discovery 
to 1660 (Cambridge Ed., 18 15, p. 12), says Way mouth 

" Discovered 


11 Discovered a great river in these parts supposed to 
be Kennebecke, neere unto Pemaquid." 

"Beverly, in his History of Virginia, (2d Ed., London, 
1722), refers in his preface to Oldmixon's British Empire, 
and its various errors requiring correction, etc., and says : 

u Page 220, He says that Captain Weymouth in 1605, 
enter d Powhatan River Southward of the Bay of Ches- 
apeake ; whereas Powhatan River is now calVd 

James River, and lies within the month of Chesapeake 
Bay some mites, on the West side of it ; and Cap tarn 
Weymouth's Voyage was only to Hudson's River, which 
is in New York, much Northward of the Capes of Vir- 

But on page 11, with curious inconsistency, Beverly 
thus describes Waymouth's voyage : 

" § 12. In the Year 1605, a Voyage was made from 
London in a single Ship, with which they designed to 
fall in with the Land about the Latitude 39 ; but the 
"Winds put her a little further Northward, and she fell 
upon the Eastern Parts of Long Island (as it is now 
call'd, but all went then under the Name of Virginia). 
Here they traffick'd with the Indians, as the others had 
done before them ; made short Trials of the Soil by 
jEnglish Grain, and found the Indians, as in other Places, 




very fair and courteous at first, till they got more 
Knowledge of the English, and perhaps thought them- 
selves over-reached because one bought better Penny- 
worths than another ; upon which afterwards they never 
fail'd to take Revenge as they found their Opportunity 
or Advantage. So this Company also return'd with the 
Ship, having ranged forty Miles up Connecticut River, 
and call'd the Harbour where they rid Penticost Har- 
bour because of their Arrival there on Whitsunday." 

Thomas Prince, in his Chronological History of 
New England (Boston, 1736, Part 1, p. 14,) referring to 
the river Waymouth entered, says in a note : 

" This seems to be Sagadehock ; and Sir F. Gorges 
doubtless mistakes in calling it Pemaquid River." 

Rev. William Stith, who published his History of 
Virginia, in 1747, referring to Waymouth's voyage 
(Sabine's Reprint, pp. 33, 34,) says : 

"What River this was, and what Parts of the Amer- 
ican Coast they fell upon, is difficult to determine ex- 
actly. For their neglecting to tell us what Course they 
steered, after they were disengaged from the Shoals, 
renders it doubtful, whether they fell in with some part 
of Massachusetts Bay ; or rather farther Southward, or 
the Coast of Rhode Island, Naraganset, or Connecticut ; 



altho' I am most inclined to believe this river was either 
that of Naraganset or Connecticut, and the Island, what 
is now called Block Island." 

Having made his guess, Stith proceeds to demolish 
that made by Oldmixon : 

" According to his usual custom [Oldmixon] is here 
most egregiously bewildered and lost. For after having 
injudiciously enough determined the small Island they 
first made, of six miles in compass, to be Long Island 
on the Coast of New York, he immediately after, with 
still greater Obscurity and Grossness, calls this the 
River of Powhatan, now James River, to the Southward, 
as he says of the Bay of Chesapeake." 

In 1797, Jeremy Belknap, D.D., who was about to 
prepare an article on Waymouth for his "American Bi- 
ography," requested Capt. John Foster Williams, of the 
United States Revenue service, to examine the coast of 
Maine with reference to Waymouth's discoveries in 
1605. Capt. Williams was furnished with an abstract 
of Rosier's " Relation," as found in Purchas His Pil- 
grimmes. In his reply (American Biography, Vol. 2, 
pp. 249-251), dated Boston, Oct. 1, 1797, Capt. Williams 
says : 

" The first land Captain Weymouth saw, a whitish 



sandy cliff, W. N. W. six leagues, must have been San- 
katy Head (Nantucket). With the wind at W. S. W. 
and S. S. W. he could have fetched into this bay (Bos- 
ton), and must have seen Cape Cod had the weather been 
clear. But 

l * The land he saw on the 1 7th I think must be the 
island Monhegan, as no other island answers the de- 
scription. In my last cruise to the east ward I sounded, 
and had thirty fathoms about one league to the north- 
ward of the island. The many islands he saw, and the 
mainland, extending from W. S. W. to the E. N. E., 
agree with that shore ; the mountains he saw bearing 
N. N. E. were Penobscot Hills or Mountains ; for, from 
the place where I suppose the ship lay at anchor, the 
above mountains bear N. N. E. 

" The Harbour where he lay with his ship, and 
named Pentecost Harbour, is, I suppose, what is now 
called George s Island Harbour, which bears north from 
Monhegan about two leagues ; which harbour and 
islands agree with his descriptions, I think, tolerably 
well, and the name, George s Islands, seems to confirm 

" When the captain went in his boat and discovered 
a great river trending far up into the main, I suppose 
he went as far as Two Bush Island, about three or four 




leagues from the ship ; from thence he could discover 
Penobscot Bay. 


Distance from the ship to Two-Bush 

Island is about 10 

From Two-Bush Island to Owl's Head, 9 

From Owl's Head to the north end of 

Long Island, 27 

From the north end of Lone: Island to 

Old Fort Pownal, 6 

From the Old Fort to the head of the 

tide or falls in Penobscot River, 30 


" I suppose he went with his ship round Two-Bush 
Island, and then sailed up to the westward of Long 
Island, supposing himself to be then in the river, the 
mountains on the main to the westward extending near 
as high up as Belfast Bay. I think it probable that he 
anchored with his ship off the point which is now called 
the Old Fort Point. 

" The codde of the river, where he went with his 
shallop, and marched up in the country towards the 
mountains, I think must be Belfast Bay. 

" The canoe that came from the farther part of the 
codde of the river eastward, with Indians, I think it 
probable came from Bagaduce." Dr. 


WAYMOUTH'S VOYAGE, 1605. ' 57 

Dr. Belknap accepted Capt. Williams' view, and in 
his American Biography, published in 1794 (Harper's 
Ed., 1855, Vol. 2, p. 252), he writes: 

" Weymouth's voyage is memorable only for the 
discovery of Penobscot River, and for the decoying of 
five of the natives on board his ship, whom he carried 
to Enojand." 

Abiel Holmes, in his American Annals (1S05), Vol. 
1, p. 130, refers to Waymouth's voyage, and in a note 
makes this citation : 

" The discovery of which they seem to be proudest 
was that of a river, which they do on many accounts 
prefer to any known American river " ; and Holmes 
adds : " Dr. Belknap, in his first volume of American 
Biography (See Harper's Ed., Vol. 1, p. 71,) says, this 
great river is supposed to be either Penobscot or Ken- 
nebeck ; but before the publication of his second volume, 
he had satisfied himself, after careful examination and 
inquiry, that it was the Penobscot." 

Capt. Williams' view, adopted by Belknap, was also 
adopted by Williamson in his History of the State of 
Maine, published in 1S32. Waymouth, he says (Vol. 1, 
pp. 192, 193), named the harbor where he anchored after 
leaving Monhegan, " Pentecost Harbor, now George's 





Island Harbor, a well known haven at the mouth of St. 
George's river." Leaving this harbor, " they proceeded 
northwardly, by estimation, sixty miles. In their pro- 
gress up Penobscot Bay they came to anchor on the 
1 2th not far from the land, abreast the high mountains, 
since called Penobscot hills [now Camden Heights]." 
The next day they reached " that part of the river which 
inclines more to the westward [probably Belfast bay, or 
possibly the waters between the lower part of Orphan 
Island and the main]." 

In a discourse before the Maine Historical Society, 
at its annual meeting at Brunswick, Sept. 6, 1846, Hon. 
George Folsom, of New York, referred to Wayniouth's 
voyage, and said, (Maine Hist. Soc. Collections, Vol. 2, 
p. 22), he "sailed up a noble river, now supposed to have 
been the Penobscot." 

In 1857, John McKeen, Esq., of Brunswick, read be- 
fore the Maine Historical Society a paper, in which he 
aimed to show that 

" The Pentecost Harbour of Capt. Waymouth was 
what we now call Boothbav or Townsend, and not St. 
George's Island Harbour; and the river which he dis- 
covered and explored was the Sagadahock, and not the 
Penobscot." (See Maine Historical Soc. Collections' 
Vol. 5, p. 338.) 




In his view, Waymouth ascended the Kennebec 
from its mouth, and at Merrymeeting Bay passed into 
the Androscoggin, " formerly the Pejepscot, and origin- 
ally the continuation of the Sagadahock," p. 323. 

Hon. William Willis, in the same volume of the 
Maine Historical Society's Collections, pp. 346-350, in 
an introduction to a letter from George Popham to 
King James I., declared his dissent from the views pre- 
sented by Mr. Me Keen, and advocated the earlier theory 
that the river Waymouth discovered was the Penobscot. 

In 1859, R. K. Sewall, Esq., published his Ancient 
Dominions of Maine, in which he says, pp. 75, 76, that 
no one familiar with the localities can doubt " that the 
Pentecost Harbor of Weymouth is the Townsend or 
Boothbay Harbor." Waymouth, in his shallop, he holds, 
made his first excursion from Pentecost Harbor by " the 
inland passage northwesterly across or up the waters of 
the Sheepscot and the Bay of Hockomock, through to the 
Sagadahock, opposite Bath," where he discovered " a 
great river which he imagined ran / far up into the land, 
by the breadth, depth and strong flood ; ' and following 
the broad reach of the mouth of the Androscoggin, 
which trends west into the main and flows from the 
White Mountains, he explored that river as a part of 

the Sagadahock." 



Palfrey, in his History of New England, the first edi- 
tion of which appeared in 1S5S, referring to Waymouth's 
Voyage (Vol. 1, p. 76, ed. of 1876), says: "Shifting his 
course to the north, he entered the Kennebec or the 
Penobscot River." In a note he adds : tc The Kennebec 
agrees best with "Waymouth's observation of the latitude." 

For some time George Prince, of Bath, had been in 
doubt whether either the Kennebec or the Penobscot 
theory was tenable, and Mr. McKeen's paper led him to 
investigate the subject anew. He says (pamphlet on 
Rosier's Narrative, Bath, i860, p. 1): 

(l In the summer of 1858, while reading Rosier's Nar- 
rative of Waymouth's voyage in 1605 to the coast of 
Maine, as published in the eighth volume of the Mass. 
Hist. Col., kindly loaned me by the librarian of the 
Maine Hist. Society, the suspicions which I had before 
entertained were confirmed, viz., that the forty mile river 
there referred to, instead of being as all writers and his- 
torians had heretofore supposed, either the Kennebec 
or Penobscot, was none other than the George's, the 
mouth of which is about 50 miles from that of the Pe- 
nobscot, and some 30 miles from the Kennebec. Ac- 
cordingly in August, 1S58, I published an article in a 
weekly paper published in Thomaston, taking the above 
ground, and giving my reasons therefor." 







The favorable reception which the new theory re- 
ceived, together with the urgent request of members of 
the Maine Historical Society, led Mr. Prince to prepare 
a paper, which was read before the Society at a meeting 
held in Augusta, in January, 1859, and which after- 
wards was published in the sixth volume of the Society's 
Collections. He also published, in i860, the pamphlet 
from which the above citation is taken, in which he pre- 
sented his views in connection with Rosier's " Relation, 1 ' 
reprinted from Vol. VIII., 3d Series, Mass. Hist. Soci- 
ety's Collections, and illustrated by a map of St. George's 
Harbor and River. 

At a meeting of the Maine Historical Society in 
June of the same year, Rev. David Cushman, of War- 
ren, read a paper, in which he took the same position as 
Mr. Prince. A part of this paper also appears in Maine 
Hist. Society's Collections, Vol. VI., pp. 293-318. 

But the Ions: controversv was not settled. Rev. 
Edward Ballard, of Brunswick, prepared a paper for the 
Memorial Volume, containing the proceedings at the 
Popham Celebration, August 29, 1S62, in which, pp. 301 
-317, he aimed to identify the river which Waymouth 
discovered with the Kennebec, and Pentecost Harbor 
with Boothbav Harbor. 

Eaton, in his History of Thomaston, published in 




1865, refers to Waymouth's voyage, and says (Vol. 1, p. 

" Two days after [his arrival at Monhegan], begin 
Whitsunday, Weymouth sailed two or three leagues 
farther north among the ' islands more adjoining to the 
main, and in the road directly with the mountains^ and 
entered ' a goodly haven/ which he named Pentecost 
Harbor, now known as St. George's Island Harbor." 

The river which Waymouth discovered, in his opin- 
ion, was the St. George's River. 

In his History of Bristol, Bremen and Pemaquid, 
published in 1873, Prof. Johnston (pp. 29-34) discusses 
quite fully the points in dispute concerning Pentecost 
Harbor and the river discovered by Waymouth. Hav- 
ing presented the various theories, he says (p. 33) : 

" The suggestion of Mr. Prince, that the George's 
river is the 'true river of Weymouth ' though still re- 
jected by some, will probably, eventually, be accepted as 
a satisfactory settlement of this long debated question. 
Rosier's description of Weymouth's river applies well to 
this; very much better certainly, than to any other on 
the coast of New England." 

Samuel A. Drake, in his Nooks and Corners of the 
New England Coast, published in 1875, nas a chapter 


WAYMOUTH'S VOYAGE, 1605. ■ 63 

on " Monhegan Island." Referring to Waymouth's 
anchorage north of Monhegan, he says (p, 105): 

" The main-land possessed greater attraction for 
Weymouth. Thinking his anchorage insecure, he 
brought his vessel the next day to the islands ' more ad- 
joining to the main,' and in the road directly with the 
mountains, about three leagues from the island where 
he had first anchored. 

" I read this description while standing on the deck 
of the Katahdiny and found it to answer admirably the 
conditions under which I then surveyed the land. We 
were near enough to make out the varied features of a 
long line of sea-coast stretching northward for many a 
mile. There were St. George's Islands, three leagues 
distant, and more adjoining to the main. And there 
were the Camden Mountains in the distance." 45 

Ex-Gov. J. L. Chamberlain, in his address delivered 
at the Centennial Exposition, in Philadelphia, Nov. 4, 
1876, referring to Waymouth's voyage, says (p. 24): 

" In his superb ship the ' Archangel ' he came to an- 
chor under Monhegan, whence he visited the mainland 


45. In a note he says : " A good 
many arguments may be found in 
the ' Collections of the Maine Histor- 
ical Society,' as to whether Wey- 
mouth ascended the Penobscot or 

the Kennebec. All assume Monhe- 
gan to have been the first island seen. 
This being conceded, the landmarks 
given in the text follow, without 
reasonable ground for controversy." 



and explored what Strachey calls ' the excellent and 
beneficial river of Sagadahoc,' and afterwards it would 
seem the regions of the Penobscot." 

Hon. Jos. Williamson, in his History of Belfast, (1877) 
rejects the Kennebec theory. He says (p. 31, 32): 

" To any one familiar with the coast of Maine, it is 
evident that this position cannot be sustained. The ab- 
sence of the ' very high mountains,' referred to by Ro- 
sier, in the vicinity of that river, is alone sufficient to 
negative it. Mr. McKeen contends that they were the 
White Mountains, which are occasionally seen from 
Monhegan. Yet, after going up the river and landing, 
Waymouth's party judged these mountains to be ' with- 
in a league of them.' They are over twenty times that 
distance removed. 

" Many of the indications noticed by Rosier are 
irreconcilable with the Penobscot theory, and suggest 
that Dr. Belknap and Capt. Williams found their con- 
clusions on a misapprehension of the facts and localities. 
So experienced a navigator as Capt. Waymouth could 
hardly have mistaken Penobscot Bay, which is over ten 
miles wide at Belfast Bay, for a river which beareth in 
breadth a mile, some times three-quarters and half a mile 

the narrowest The mountains, which were kept 

constantly in sight, from the time of reaching Monhe- 



gan, would have been left far astern, yet, after landing 
in the \codde of the river,' they marched directly towards 
them. There is wanting to Penob. Bay and River 
the ' very gallant coves on both sides, every half mile.' 
. . . The fact that the river does not trend ' westward 
into the main,' but in an opposite direction, seems alone 
to destroy the Penob. theory. 

" Perhaps the more satisfactory solution of this much 
mooted question is that given by Capt. George Prince, 
of Bath, who, in 1858, published the reasons for his con- 
viction that the George's River was the scene of Way- 
mouth's explorations." 

June 5, 1S78, the Rev. B. F. DeCosta, D. D., of New 
York, read a paper before the New England Historic- 
Genealogical Society in Boston, on " The Expeditions 
of Weymouth and Popham, 1605-8." Waymouth, he 

" Upon his first exploration, visited the Kennebec, 
going up the Sheepscot passage, as did Champlain in 
1605, and Biencourt in 161 1, emerging through oppo- 
site Bath, returning down the main stream, and ascend- 
ing from its mouth to Boothbay. Afterward he went 
down to the mouth again with his ship, and ascended 
in the regular way to the neighborhood of Bath, com- 
puting the distance at twenty-six miles. The account 



of the voyage referred to the ' codde ' of the river be- 
yond the ship. This was Merrymeeting Bay, at the 
eastern end of which he landed, and marched toward 
the hills seen continually at their arrival on the coast, 
and which, when at the bay, they judged to be close at 
hand. The boat journey was extended up the Kenne- 
bec, and upon returning in the ship, as was related in 
the narrative, seven hours were required to reach the 
mouth of the river. By those treating the subject in a 
simple method, a perfectly harmonious result was ob- 
tained, giving these slightly obscure phrases their proper 
meaning, and changing the word ' westward,' which had 
been taken to refer to the Androscoggin, and was un- 
doubtedly a clerical error to ' northward,' and by throw- 
ing out the White Mountains west of the Kennebec, 
the arguments in favor of the Kennebec theory were 
disembarrassed and had their full weight." 46 

As many of the members of the Maine Historical 
Society were not familiar with the localities mentioned 
in the discussion of Waymouth's discovery, the Field- 
Day excursion, August 20-22, 1879, was so arranged as 
to give them an opportunity of visiting Monhegan and 


40. This is a quotation from a re- 
port of the paper in the Boston Daily 
Adccrtlser of June 0, 1873. Dr. De 
Costa, to whom I applied, was un- 

able to furnish me with a copy of his 
paper, but certified to the correctness 
of the report as far as it went. 


Boothbay, and of exploring the passage to Bath by way 
of the Sheepscot and the Sasanoa River. At a meeting 
of the Society in May, 1881, R. K. Sewall, Esq., of Wis- 
casset, read a report of this excursion, in which he reaf- 
firmed the views he had already expressed in his "An- 
cient Dominions of Maine." Some of the members of 
the Society, however, who participated in the Field-Day 
excursion of 1879 were unable to make the Kennebec 
theory harmonize with Rosier's narrative ; and the wish 
was expressed by those who were familiar with St. 
George's Harbor and St. George's River that the Soci- 
ety should visit these waters for further investigations. 
Such a visit was included in the Field-Day excursion 
of September, 18S1. The use of the Revenue Cutter 
Dallas was secured through the courtesy of the Secre- 
tary of the Treasury, and both the St. George's River 
and St. George's Harbor were visited. A report of this 
excursion was presented by the writer at the meeting of 
the Society early in 1S82, with the reasons that led him 
to adopt the view that St. George's Harbor is the Pen- 
tecost Harbor of Rosier's " Relation," and that the river 
which Waymouth discovered was the St. George's River. 
In the earlier editions of his History of the United 
States, Bancroft, following Williamson and others, says 
Waymouth " ascended the west branch of the Penob- 



scot beyond Belfast Bay." But two letters to Hon. 
Wm. Willis, of Portland, among the Willis manuscripts 
(63 and 64 in Vol. A,) in the Public Library, Portland, 
dated Oct. 21 and 22, 1857, show that at that time he 
was re-studying the subject. In the new (1883) edition 
of his History (Vol. 1, pp. 81, S2,) he says, concerning 
Waymouth's discovery : 

"Weighing anchor on Easter Sunday, 1605, on the 
fourteenth of May he came near the whitish, sandy 
promontory of Cape Cod. To escape the continual 
shoals in which he found himself embayed, he stood out 
to sea, then turned to the north, and on the seventeenth 
anchored to the north of Monhecran Island, in sieht of 
hills to the nort-north-east on the main. On Whit- 
Sunday he found his way among the St. George's 
Islands into an excellent harbor which was accessible by 
four passages, defended from all winds, and had good 
mooring upon a clay ooze, and even upon the rocks by 
the cliff side. . . . Having in the last of May discovered 
in his pinnace the broad, deep current of the St. 
George's, on the eleventh of June, Way mouth, with a 
gentle wind, passed up with the ship into the river for 
about eighteen miles, which were reckoned six and 
twenty, and ' all consented in joy ' to admire its width 
of a half mile or a mile," etc. 



In the Magazine of American History (Vol. 9, p. 
300,) in a notice of Mr. Bancroft's revised first volume, 
the Rev. B. F. De Costa, D. D., of New York, says 
Bancroft makes Waymouth anchor " ' in an excellent 
harbor,' among the St. George's Islands, on the coast of 
Maine, where there is no harbor, as all but blind men 
visiting the coast may see. He afterwards sends Way- 
mouth to explore a splendid river in a region where 
there is so little water that fish can hardly swim." 

To this criticism, Mr. Bancroft replied (Magazine of 
Am. History, Vol. 9, pp. 459, 460) : 

"As to the voyage of Waymouth in 1605, the ac- 
count of its landfall and discoveries was revised after 
the most careful inquiry. John McKeen, of Brunswick, 
Maine, proved beyond a doubt that the old theory, that 
Waymouth entered the Penobscot, could not be main- 
tained. George Prince, of Bath, confirmed by David 
Cushman, of Warren, decided that the island which he 
struck was Monhegan, that the group of islands among 
which he passed was the St. George's ; that the river 
which he entered was the St. George's. I have private 
letters from Maine to the same effect; but, to leave no 
room for uncertainty, I went to my friend Mr. Bache, 
then the chief of the Coast Survey, and he and the sur- 
veyors specially employed by him in the survey of that 



part of the coast of Maine, explained to me that beyond 
a doubt Waymouth touched at Monhegan Island, that 
the mountains which he writes that he saw at the east- 
north-east were the Camden mountains, that the islands 
through which he passed were the St. George's Islands, 
that the river which he ascended was the river of St. 

" The Magazine of April sets forth that I send Way- 
mouth where there is no harbor. I have been asrain to 
the Coast Survey, and asked if there are harbors in that 
region, and the answer was 'good harbors in abundance.' 
As to the depth of the river, which the Magazine repre- 
sents as having so little water that fish can barely swim 
in it, the Coast Survey chart tells the very different 
story that there is a river of great uniform depth. Any 
one who knows the coast of Maine, and reads the de- 
cription of Waymouth [Rosier] with the charts of the 
Coast Survey before him, will see that the case is clear 
beyond a question." 

In a reply to Mr. Bancroft (Magazine of Am. His- 
tory, Vol. 10, pp. 143-145), Dr. De Costa said: 

" A true interpretation of Waymouth's [Rosier's] nar- 
rative will carry the investigation to the Kennebec ; 
while there is independent testimony which settles the 



question beyond doubt. This testimony was not ad- 
duced until long after Mr. Bancroft published his early 
volumes. Originally it was supposed that the Penob- 
scot was the river discovered. Belknap furnished a 
captain in the revenue service with portions of Way- 
mouth's narrative, which he took with him to the main 
coast, and after examination, reported that Waymouth 
visited the Penobscot. In time the error was detected, 
and the next river adopted was the St. George's, which, 
in turn, was abandoned by the majority of investiga 
tors. Ultimately, however, the history of Strachey was 
printed from the manuscript preserved in the British 
Museum, and now we have the direct testimony of Way- 
mouth's cotemporary, who knew all the facts of the case, 
and distinctly declares that Waymouth discovered the 
Kennebec, then known as the ' benyflcial river of Saga- 
dahoc' Finally, a passage in the neglected works of 
Champlain was pointed out confirming the statement of 
Strachey, Champlain having entered the Kennebec only 
nine days after Waymouth left the river, and there the 
Frenchman heard of the five savages of the Kennebec 
who were captured by the English explorer. The St. 
George's theory was framed and adopted before this 
conclusive testimony of Strachey and Champlain had 
come to light ; and if these facts had been known at the 




outset there would never have been any wrong interpre- 
tation of the narrative." 47 

Rev. Henry O. Thayer, in a paper on the Popham 
Colony, read before the Maine Historical Society Dec. 
22, 1885, establishes "at the George's Islands the Pente- 
cost Harbor of the vexing voyage of Waymouth ; " and 
adds, " This location of Pentecost Harbor cannot be 


47. In this statement, to which 
Mr. Bancroft made no reply, Dr. 
De Costa has fallen into several 
errors which this review of the liter- 
ature of Waymouth's voyage enables 
me to correct. When it was discov- 
ered that the Penobscot theory was 
untenable, the St. George's was not 
" the next river adopted," as Dr. De 
Costa says, but the Kennebec, as the 
citations already presented show. It 
is difficult to imagine on what ground 
Dr. De Costa states that the St. 
George's theory " was abandoned by 
the majority of investigators." On 
the contrary, it seems to have found 
increasing favor, and the testimony 
of the Portland Advertiser of Aug. C, 
1883, quoted in the Magazine of 
American History, Vol. 10, p. 202, is 
worthy of notice, as it refers to Dr. 
De Costa's reply to Mr. Bancroft. 
Referring to the view of Mr. Ban- 
croft that the St. George's theory 
best fulfills the conditions of the nar- 
rative of the voyage, the Advertiser 

says this " is the conclusion of most 
of the members of the Maine Histor- 
ical Society after visiting the ground, 
book in hand, and comparing the 
two theories." 

As to Dr. De Costa's statement 
that " the St. George's theory was 
framed and adopted before the con- 
clusive testimony of Strachey and 
Champlain had come to light," an ex- 
amination of the facts shows that so 
far as Strachey is concerned this is 
an error. Strachey's narrative ap- 
peared in the third volume of the 
Maine Historical Society's Collec- 
tions, which was printed in 18-33. 
Prince read his paper before the 
Maine Historical Society in 1858, and 
in his pamphlet published in 1800 he 
refers to Strachey as " the first to 
mislead in this matter," and devotes 
a page to his statements. If the nar- 
rative of Champlain's Voyages had 
been in Prince's hands it would have 
enabled him to strengthen his posi- 



successfully assailed when there is fair dealing with 
Rosier's narrative." 


What facts does this survey of the literature of 
WaymoutrTs voyage suggest? I submit the following: 

1. In the three earliest records in which a reference 
to Waymouth's voyage is found, there are no indications 
that Waymouth in his ship was west of Pemaquid. In 
the narrative of Champlain's voyages it is said that 
when Cham plain was in the Kennebec, Waymouth was 
at an island which, from the description, is recognized 
as Monhegan by all writers on the subject, so far as I 
am aware. In the narrative of the Popham Colony, 
found by Dr. De Costa in the library of Lambeth Pal- 
ace, London, it is stated that a cross, set up by Way- 
mouth as was supposed, was found on an island which 
the colonists called St. George's Island. De Costa and 
others think the island was Monhegan, but statements 
in the narrative, as already indicated, make this impossi- 
ble, and point rather to one of the St. George's Islands, 
probably Allen's Island. Capt. John Smith, who was 
on the coast of Maine in 1614, and was well acquainted 


■ . 


with the Kennebec, refers to Waymouth without con- 
necting him with that river, but simply states that Way- 
mouth was at Pemaquid, which he says in another place 
was opposite Monhegan. 

2. Strachey, who never was on the coast of Maine, 
but prepared his "Historie" with the Relations of 
Rosier and Davies before him, was the first — writing, it 
is believed, in 161S — to suggest that the river discovered 
by Waymouth was the Kennebec. 

3. Purchas,who published his " Pilgrimmes,"in 1625, 
in reproducing Rosier's Relation, amends the narra- 
tive by inserting the direction of the high mountains 
toward which Waymouth went in passing up the river 
he discovered. There was then no longer any reason, 
as there was after Waymouth's return to England, why 
the direction should be withheld, and its insertion by 
Purchas must have been with authority. Following the 
direction indicated, Waymouth could have entered 
neither the Kennebec nor the Penobscot, but must have 
sailed up the George's River. 

4. Gorges, writing late in life, and who therefore 
had long been familiar with matters pertaining to the 
discovery and colonization of the country, mentions 
Waymouth as happening " into a river on the coast of 
America, called Pemaquid." 

5. Hubbard 



5. Hubbard, who was the next to refer to Way- 
mouth's voyage — he died in 1704 — says Waymouth dis- 
covered a great river " supposed to be Kennebecke neere 
unto Pemaquid." 

6. Oldmixon, in a work published at the beginning 
of the eighteenth century, and with a singular disregard 
of the requirements of the " Relation," claimed that 
Waymouth entered the Powhatan, now known as the 
James River. Beverly, criticizing Oldmixon not long 
after, affirmed in one part of his history that Waymouth 
entered the Hudson River, and with a curious inconsis- 
tency in another part, said that he entered the Connecti- 
cut River ; while Stith, about the middle of the eighteenth 
century, adding his guess, thought it might be the Con- 
necticut or the Narragansett. 

7. Prince, in his Chronological History of New 
England, Boston, 1736, followed Strachey and Hubbard, 
yet not with entire confidence. The river Waymouth 
entered, he said, "seems to be Sagadehock, and Sir F. 
Gorges doubtless mistakes in calling it Pemaquid River." 

8. This lack of confidence Belknap shared in a 
larger degree, and recognizing the importance of a care- 
ful investigation, he secured in 1797 the aid of Capt. 
Williams, of the U. S. Revenue Service, who proceeded 
in his vessel to the coast of Maine, where from a study of 



Rosier's "Relation," as found in "Purchas His Pilgrim- 
mes," he came to the conclusion that St. George's Harbor 
was Pentecost Harbor, and the Penobscot the river Way- 
mouth discovered. This view was subsequently adopted 
by Williamson and later writers down to the middle of 
this century. 

9. In 1857, John McKeen, in a paper read before 
the Maine Historical Society, rejecting the Penobscot 
theory as untenable, advocated the view that the Pente- 
cost Harbor of Rosier's narrative was Boothbay 'Harbor, 
and that the river which Way mouth ascended was the 
Kennebec, from which he passed into the Androscoggin. 

10. George Prince, in a paper read before the Maine 
Historical Society in 1859, presented objections to the 
view advocated by Mr. McKeen, and insisted that Pen- 
tecost Harbor was the present St. George's Harbor, and 
that the river which Waymouth discovered was the St. 
George's River. 

1 1. This view was accepted by Rev.' David Cushman 
and others; also by officers of the United States Coast 
Survey, who at the request of Mr. Bancroft gave special at- 
tention to the subject, and was adopted by Mr. Bancroft 
in the subsequent edition of his History of the United 

12. The Kennebec theory has retained a few earnest 




advocates to the present time ; but nothing is more evi- 
dent than that the St. George's theory is regarded by a 
constantly increasing number as meeting far more satis- 
factorily the requirements of the " Relation." 



of the most prosperous voyage 

made this present yeere 1605, 

by Captaine George Waymouth, 

in the Discouery of the land 

of Virginia: 

Where he discouered 60 miles vp 
a most excellent Riuer; to- 
gether with a most 
fertile land. 

Written by James Rosier, 
- a Gentleman employed 
in the voyage. 


Impensis Gcor. Bishop. 



j -;■,:.' 

■ ." •■' 

' 4. 

,-* -"'-. 


v < 


» ' 


V * n 4yefc,p«nu a 




OBIT l«J9. 




EING employed in this Voyage by the right 
honourable Thomas Arundell 4S Baron of War- 
der, to take due notice, and make true report 
of the discouery therein performed : I became very dil- 
igent to obserue (as much as I could) whatsoeuer was 
materiall or of consequence in the businesse which I 
collected into this briefe summe, intending upon our 
returne to publish the same. But he soone changed the 
course of his intendments ; and long before our arriuall 
in England had so farre encracred himselfe with the 
Archduke, 49 that he was constrained to relinquish this 


48. Thomas Aruudell was elevated 
to the peerage May 4, 1005, on the 
occasion of the christening of Mary, 
third daughter of James I., the first 
princess of the new dynasty born in 
In honor of that event, 


many peers were raised to higher 
rank, and numbers of knights were 
created barons. 

■10. The reference is to the Arch- 
duke Albert, a son of Maximilian II. 
and a brother of the Emperor Rudolph 




action. But the commodities and profits of the countrey, 
together with the fitnesse of plantation, being by some 
honourable Gentlemen of good woorth and qualitie, and 
Merchants 50 of good sufficiency and judgment duly con- 
sidered, haue at their owne charge (intending both their 
priuate and the common benefit of their countrey) vnder- 
taken the transporting of a Colony for the plantation 
thereof ; 51 being much encouraged thereunto by the 


II. He had been Archbishop of Tole- 
do, but had resigned his spiritual of- 
fice, and was now ruling the Nether- 
lands, of which he was made Governor 
in 1595. He married the Infanta Isa- 
bella Anne in 1599. Under date of 
1G05, in his History of the United 
Netherlands, (Vol. 4, p. 228) Motley 
says, "Considerable levies of troops 
were made in England by the Arch- 
duke." In August, 1G05, Arundell 
was appointed Colonel of one of the 
English Regiments thus raised, and in 
disguise crossed over to Holland 
against the will of King James, who 
was highly displeased and ordered 
him to be recalled. Winwood's State 
papers ii, 59, iii, 144. As Governor of 
the Netherlands Albert was so well 
known in England that it was not 
necessary for Hosier to designate him 
otherwise than as " the Archduke." 

50. The credit of this expedition 
has been given by some writers to 
the Muscovia and Turkey Companies. 

This is an error. Wayraouth him- 
self, strangely enough, was the first 
to put this error on record. It has 
recently been shown that the East 
India Fellowship offered to share the 
enterprise with the Muscovia Com- 
pany on equal terms. The latter, 
however, claimed the sole right and 
privilege of navigating the northern 
seas and declined the offer. The 
East India Fellowship appealed to 
the Privy Council, and later the Mus- 
covia Company receded from its po- 
sition and offered to unite with the 
East India Fellowship in fitting out 
the expedition ; but the offer was not 
accepted. See Hakluyt Society's 
" Voyages toward the North-west," 
pp. 51-55. 

51. Prominent among them were 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Sir John 
Popham, Lord Chief Justice of Eng- 
land. Sir Ferdinando, in August of 
the following year, fitted out a vessel, 
under the command of Henry Chal. 



gracious fauour of the Kings Maiesty himselfe, and 
diuers Lords of his Highnesse most Honourable Priuie 
Councell. After these purposed designes were con- 
cluded, I was animated to publish this briefe Relation, 
and not before ; because some forrein Nation (being 
fully assured of the fruitfulnesse of the countrie) haue 


long, to whom were assigned two of 
the natives brought over by Way- 
mouth. Challong was instructed to 
keep a northerly course to Cape 
Breton, and then to follow the coast 
southward " till they found by the 
natives they were near the place they 
were assigned to." But the Captain 
was taken sick not long after leaving 
port, and the ship's course was then 
shaped for the West Indies. There, 
Bays Gorges, the vessel was captured 
by a Spanish fleet from Havana, 
"and carried into Spain, where their 
ship and goods were confiscated, 
themselves made prisoners, the voy- 
age overthrown, and both of my na- 
tives lost." Not long after Challong's 
departure, Sir John Popham sent out 
another vessel, of which Thomas 
Hanham was commander and Mar- 
tin Pring, of Bristol, who had been on 
the coast of Massachusetts, in 1003, 
was master. They were to second 
Challong in the proposed discovery. 
At least one of the Indians brought 
to England by Waymouth accom- 
panied the expedition. Gorges' in- 

structions were followed, and the 
vessel arrived safely at the designated 
locality. Not finding Challong, they 
made " a perfect discovery of all 
those rivers and harbors " to which 
their attention had been directed by 
Gorges, and then returned to Eng- 
land. Their's, says Gorges (Maine 
Hist. Society's Collections, Vol. 2, p. 
19), was "the most exact discovery 
of that coast that ever came to my 
hands"; and the report brought 
back by them made such an impres- 
sion on Sir John Popham, Gorges 
and their associates, that the Popham 
Colony was sent out in the following 
year. The Plymouth Company, in 
a relation published subsequently, 
say of this report : " Upon whose re- 
lations afterwards, the lord chief jus- 
tice and we all waxed so confident of 
the business, that the year following 
every man of any worth, formerly 
interested in it, was willing to join in 
the charge for the sending over a 
competent number of people to lay 
the ground of a hopeful plantation.' 

8 4 


hoped hereby to gaine some knowledge of the place, 
seeing they could not allure our Captaine or any speciall 
man of our Company to combine with them for their 
direction, nor obtaine their purpose, in conueying away 
our Saluages, which was busily in practise. And this 
is the cause that I haue neither written of the latitude 
or variation most exactly obserued by our Captaine with 
sundrie instruments, which together with his perfect 
Geographicall Map of the countrey, he entendeth here- 
after to set forth. I haue likewise purposedly omitted 
here to adde a collection of many words in their lan- 
guage to the number of foure or flue hundred, as also 
the names of diuers of their gouernours, as well their 
friends as their enemies: being reserued to be made 
knowen for the benefit of those that shal £oe in the 
next Voyage. But our particular proceedings in the 
whole Discouerie, the commodious situation of the 
Riuer, the fertilitie of the land, with the profits there to 
be had, and here reported, I refer to be uerified by the 
whole Company, as being eye-witnesses of my words, 
and most of them neere inhabitants upon the Thames. 
So with my prayers to God for the conuersion of so in- 
genious and well-disposed people, and for the prosperous 
successive euents of the noble intenders the prosecution 
thereof, I rest 

Your friend I. R. 





of Captaine George Waymouth his Voyage, made this 

present yeere 1605 ; in the Discouerie of the 

North part of Virginia. 

PON Tuesday the 5 day of March, about ten a 
clocke afore noone, we set saile from Rat- 
cliffe, 52 and came to an anker that tide about 
two a clocke before Grauesend. 53 

From thence the 10 of March being Sunday at night 

02. Rateliffe was a hainlet on the 
Thames, cast of London, in the par- 
ish of Stepney, and was inhabited 
principally by sea-faring men. Rat- 
cliff e Highway, which connected the 
village with the metropolis, was the 
Regent Street of London sailors, who, 
according to an old authority, never 
extended their walks beyond this 
&emi-marine region. It is said by 
some to have derived its name from 
the red cliff, or bank of the river 


Thames, at this point. Others, more 
correctly perhaps, connect the name 
with the manor of Rateliffe in the 
parish of Stepney. 

53. Gravesend is thirty miles be 
low London on the Thames. It oc- 
curs in Doomsday Book as Grave- 
sham. It was burned by the French 
in 1377. In 1573 it obtained a char- 
ter of incorporation from Queen Eliz- 



we ankered in the Dounes: 54 and there rode til the 
next day about three a clocke after noone, when with a 
scant winde we set saile; and by reason the winde con- 
tinued Southwardly, we were beaten vp and doune : but 
on Saturday the 16 day about foure a clocke after noon 
we put into Dartmouth Hauen, 55 where the continuance 
of the winde at South & Southwest constrained vs to 
ride till the last of this moneth. There we shipped 
some of our men and supplied necessaries for our Ship 
and Voyage. 

Upon Easter day, being the last of March, the 
winde comming at North, North East, about flue a 
clocke after noone we wayed anker, and put to sea, In 
the name of God, being well victualled and furnished 
)xxr comnie 29 with munition and all necessaries: Our whole Company 
being but 29 persons ; of whom I may boldly say few 
voyages have been manned forth with better Sea-men 
generally in respect of our small number. 

Munday the next day, being the first of Aprill, by 


fpon Easter 
lay we put to 


54. A body of water north of Do- 
ver between Goodwin Sands and the 
main land. 

55. Dartmouth is an ancient sea- 
port of England, 31 miles S. of Exe- 
ter, and 229 miles S. W. of London. 
It is a small town, but once occupied 

an important place in the history of 
England. It was the rendezvous of 
the Crusaders' fleet in 1100, and in 
131G-47 contributed 31 ships in the 
siege of Calais under Edward III. 
Several expeditions to the new world 
sailed from its harbor. 



sixe a clocke in the morning we were sixe leagues South- 
South-East from the Lizarde. 56 

At two a clocke in the afternoone this day, the sounding, 
weather being very faire, our Captaine for his owne ex- 
perience and others with him sounded, and had five and 
fiftie fathoms and a halfe. The sounding was some 
small blacke perrie sand, 57 some reddish sand, a match 
or two, with small shels called Saint James his Shels. 58 


more anon. The association of the 
name of St. James with the scallop 
owes its origin to a Spanish legend, 

56. The most southern promon- 
tory of England, 24 miles S. E. of the 
Land's End. Here are now two 
lofty light-houses. 

57. This should doubtless read 
" blacke ferric sand." This is sand 
mingled with grains of magnetic iron 
ore, which make it black. Such sand 
is found in many localities, as e. g., 
on one of the islands in Moosehead 

58. For the following note, I am 
indebted to the late Prof. Charles E. 
Hamlin, of Cambridge, Mass.: "In 
the Middle Ages, pilgrims to the Holy 
Sepulchre at Jerusalem, returning, 
wore upon their hats or breasts, as 
proof that the pilgrimage had been 
accomplished, the shell of a cockle 
(Cardium), or of one of two kinds of 
scallop (Pecten), — indigenous to the 
Mediterranean. These were undoubt- 
edly chosen as being both conspicu- 
ous and ornamental. The favorite 
was one of the scallops, of which 

of which the following is the sub- 
stance: St. James, Patron of all 
Spain, if Catholic accounts may be 
trusted, has rested for nine hundred 
years in the Metropolitan church of 
Compostella (in full, Santiago de 
Compostella, i. e. Saint Jago or Saint 
James of Compostella), formerly 
capital of the province of Galicia. 
The legend has it that when the body 
of the saint was being miraculously 
conveyed in a ship without sails or 
oars, from Joppa to Galicia, it passed 
the village of Bonzas, on the coast of 
Portugal, on the day that a marriage 
had been celebrated there. The 
bridegroom and his friends were 
amusing themselves on horseback 
upon the sands, when his horse be- 
came unmanageable and plunged into 
the sea; whereupon the miraculous 
ship stopped in its voyage, and pres- 



The foureteenth of Aprill being Sunday, betweene 
nine and ten of the clocke in the morning our Captaine 


ently the bridegroom emerged, horse 
and man, close beside it. A conver- 
sation ensued between the knight 
and the saint's disciples on board, in 
which they apprized him that it was 
the saint who saved him from a 
■watery grave, and explained to him 
the Christian religion. He believed 
and was baptized then and there, 
and immediately the ship resumed 
its voyage ; while the knight came 
galloping back over the sea to rejoin 
his astonished friends. He told them 
ill that bad happened, and they, too, 
were converted, and the knight bap- 
tized his bride with his own hand. 
Now when the knight emerged from 
the sea, both his dress and the trap- 
pings of his horse were covered with 
scallop shells; and, therefore, the 
Galicians took the scallop shell as 
the sign of St. James. The favorite 
pilgrim badge was one of two kinds 
of Mediterranean Pecten. That 
which Linnaeus connected with the 
legend of St. James, by giving to it 
the specific name Jacobctus (Pecten 
Jacobaus), is not found in the Eng- 
lish Channel, where the St. James' 
shells were found by Waymouth. 
The other species, Pecten opercularis, 
smaller and less striking than the 
former, but yet beautiful, occurs in 

the Mediterranean, on the Atlantic 
coast of Spain and Portugal and in 
the English Channel. So that while 
Linnaeus, in the name Jacobceus, 
points to the scallop oftenest chosen 
for the badge of pilgrimage, as being 
the original St. James' shell, the 
Spanish legend probably refers to 
Pecten opercularis. This is, how- 
ever, immaterial, for no doubt the 
saint's name was in time bestowed 
upon all European species of scallop. 
Perfect specimens of any Pecten are 
beautiful objects, and have always 
been popular favorites. Some Roman 
and Pompeian sculptures bear the 
scallop shell, as do stone and leaden 
coffins of the Roman period, which 
have been dug up in England. And 
curiously enough, one writer states 
that Japanese pilgrims to the often 
pictured cone of Fusiyama wear upon 
the sleeve scallop shells as their 
badge. Our own New England Pec- 
ten irradians, Lamarck (the Pecten 
concentricus of Say), found abun- 
dantly at New Bedford and in Narra- 
gansett Bay, is much used in making 
pin-cushions and other ornamental 
work. A pretty species from the 
East Indies is often mounted for 





descried the Hand Cuerno : 59 which bare South-West and jjj ffilufS 
by West, about seuen leagues from vs : by eleuen of the 
clocke we descried Flores 60 to the Southward of Cuerno, 
as it lieth : by foure a clocke in the afternoone we 
brought Cuerno, due South from vs within two leagues 
of the shore, but we touched not, because the winde was 
faire, and we thought our selues sufficiently watered and 

Heere our Captaine obserued the Sunne, and found 
himselfe in the latitude of 40 degrees and 7 minutes : so 
he judged the North part of Cuerno to be in 40 degrees. 
After we had kept our course about a hundred leagues 
from the Hands, by continuall Southerly windes we were 
forced and driuen from the Southward, whither we first 
intended. And when our Captaine by long beating saw 
it was but in vaine to striue with windes, not knowing 
Gods purposes heerein to our further blessing, (which 
after by his espcciall direction wee found) he thought 
best to stand as nigh as he could by the winde to re- 
couer what land we mio-ht first discouer. 

Munday, the 6 of May, being in the latitude of 39 
and a halfe about ten a clocke afore noone, we came to 

a riplin, 

59. A small island, now Corvo, 

belonging to the Azores. Its present 
population is 1,000. 
Cu. Another of the Azores group. 

It derives its name from the abund- 
ance of flowers that find shelter in its 
deep ravines. The present popula- 
tion is 10,608. 




a riplin, 61 which we discerned a head our ship, which is 
a breach of water caused either by a fall, or by some 
meeting of currents, which we judged this to be ; for 
the weather being very faire, and a small gale of winde, 
we sounded and found no ground in a hundred fathoms. 

Munday, the 1 3 of May, about eleuen a clocke afore 
noone, our Captaine, judging we were not farre from 
land, sounded, and had a soft oaze in a hundred and 
sixty fathomes. At fowre a clocke after noone we 
sounded againe, and had the same oaze in a hundred 

From ten a clocke that nisrht till three a clocke in 


the morning, our Captaine tooke in all sailes and lay at 
hull, being desirous to fall with the land in the day time, 
because it was an unknowen coast, which it pleased God 

in his 

61. In 1877, the Superintendent of 
the U. S. Coast Survey directed Mas- 
ter Piatt, U. S. N., to make a series of 
close observations on the direction 
and velocity of the currents between 
Nantucket Shoals and Cape Sable. 
In his report Master Piatt refers 
to strong and well-marked tide-rips, 
which were noticed during the 
strength of the flood and ebb, and 
are described as looking like break- 
ers in shoal water. He says: " When 
Latitude 42° N., Longitude GG° 30' W\, 
we saw what looked like shoal water 
or breakers ahead, but on sounding 

found one hundred and seventeen 
fathoms. We drifted along with the 
current until we came among these 
apparent breakers, and found them to 
be caused by a very heavy tide-rip. 
The sea was so high and 'cramming,' 
that we were obliged to reduce sail, 
three-reef the mainsail, and haul the 
boom well out to save our mainmast, 
These heavy tide-rips are nearly al- 
ways well marked, and a stranger 
coming among them, especially at 
night, would be apt to be very much 
alarmed." Atlantic Local Coast Pi- 
lot, Sub-Division 3, Appendix, p. 11. 



in his mercy to grant vs, otherwise we had run our ship 
vpon the hidden rockes and perished all. For when 
we set saile we sounded in 100 fathoms: and by eight 
a clock, hauing not made aboue fiue or six leagues, our 
Captaine vpon a sudden change of water (supposing 
verily he saw the sand) presently sounded, and had but 
fiue fathoms. Much maruellins: because we saw no 
land, he sent one to the top, who thence descried a 
whitish sandy cliffe, 62 which bare West-North-West 
about six leagues off from vs : but comming neerer 
within three or fowre leagues, we saw many breaches 
still neerer the land : at last we espied a great breach a 
head vs al along the shore, into which before we should 


02. Sighting Sankaty Head, a 
steep sandy cliff on the eastern ex- 
tremity of Nantucket, and the most 
remarkable feature of the eastern 
shore of the island, Waymouth ap- 
proached the Great Rip, and ran on 
to Kose and Crown Shoal. Two 
fathom spots near the southern part 
of the Rose and Crown are found 
upon the Coast Survey chart, eleven 
nautical miles E. by S. }.< S. from 
Sankaty Head Light, in Latitude 41° 
15}a'. Vide a communication by 
Henry Mitchel in the Nantucket En- 
quirer of June 22, 1882. Capt. John 
F. Williams, who, in 1797, at the re- 
quest of Jeremy Belknap, made a 
study of Rosier's Relation, says 

(American Biography, Hubbard's Ed., 
Vol. 2, p. 249), "The first land Capt 
Waymouth saw, a whitish sandy cliff 
W. N. W. six leagues, must have been 
Sankaty Head." In the Coast Sur- 
vey Pilot from Boston to New York, 
p. 82, occurs the following: "Nan. 
tucket Island is surrounded by shoals, 
those especially which lie to the east- 
ward of it making it one of the most 
dreaded parts of the coast. These 
shifting sandy shores, which extend 
in a south-easterly direction from the 
south-eastern end of the island, have 
various depths upon them, ranging 
from six feet to four fathoms, and 
change their positions more or less 
after every heavy gale." 



enter, our Captaine thought best to hoist out his ship 
boate and sound it. Which if he had not done, we had 
beene in great danger: for he bare vp the ship, as neere 
as he durst after the boate : vntill Thomas Cam, his 
mate, being in the boat, called to him to tacke about & 
stand off, for in this breach he had very showld water, 
two fathoms and lesse vpon rockes, and sometime they 
supposed they saw the rocke within three or fowre foote, 
whereon the sea made a very strong breach : which we 
might discerne (from the top) to run along as we sailed 
by it 6 or 7 leagues to the Southward. This was in 
the latitude of 41 degrees, 20 minuts : wherefore we 
were constrained to put backe againe from the land : 
and sounding, (the weather being very faire and a small 
winde) we found our selues embaied with continuall 
showldes and rockes in a most uncertaine ground, from 
flue or sixe fathoms, at the next cast of the lead we 
should haue 15 & iS fathoms. Ouer many which we 
passed, and God so blessed vs, that we had wind and 
weather as faire as poore men in this distresse could 
wish : whereby we both perfectly discerned euery 
breach, and with the winde were able to turne, where 
we saw most hope of safest passage. Thus we parted 
from the land, which we had not so much before desired, 
and at the first sight rejoiced, as now we all joifully 




praised God, that it had pleased him to deliuer vs from 
so imminent danger. 

Heere we found great store of excellent Cod fish, 
and saw many Whales, as we had done two or three 
daies before. 

We stood off all that night, and the next day being 
Wednesday; but the wind stil) continuing between the 
points of South-South-West, and West-South-West: so 
as we could not make any way to the Southward, in re- 
gard of our great want of water and wood (which was 
now spent) we much desired land and therefore sought 
for it, where the wind would best suffer vs to refresh our 

Thursday, the 16 of May, we stood in directly with 
the land, and much maruelled we descried it not, where- 
in we found our sea charts very false, putting land where 
none is. 

Friday the 17 of May, about sixe a clocke at night 
we descried the land, which bare from vs North-North- 
East ; but because it blew a oreat crale of winde, the sea 
very high and neere night, not fit to come vpon an vn- 
knowen coast, we stood off till two a clocke in the morn- 
ing, being Saturday: then standing in with it againe, 
we descried it by eight a clocke in the morning, bearing ^th^iiIiSi! 01 
North-East from vs. It appeared a meane high land, 




as we after found it, being but an Hand 63 of some six 
miles in compasse, but I hope the most fortunate euer 
yet discoured. About twelve a clocke that day, we came 
to an anker on the North side of this Hand, about a 
league from the shore. About two a clocke our Cap- 
taine with twelue men rowed in his ship boat to the 
shore, where we made no long stay, but laded our boat 
with dry wood of olde trees vpon the shore side, and re- 
turned to our ship, where we rode that night. 


63. The island was Monhegan, the 
most prominent landmark in ap- 
proaching the coast. According to the 
Atlantic Coast Pilot, it is situated in 
Latitude 43° 46' N., and in Longitude 
69° 18' W., and is distant from Thatch- 
er's Island (Cape Ann) about 84 
miles in a N. E. % E. course ; from 
Seguin 19 miles on an E. course, and 
from Matinicus Light-houses about 
20 miles on a W. by N. course. The 
island " lies N. E. and S. W. and is a 
mile and a half long, high, with 
steeply sloping shores, and quite bold 
to. Its northeastern end, called 
Green Point, is high and wooded; 
and a little to the southward of this, 
on the eastern face of the island, is a 
bluff, precipitous head, called Black 
Head. Thence the surface gradually 
descends towards the southwestern 
end, which is low and thickly wood- 
ed, and is known as Lobster Point." 
The lighthouse, a grey stone tower 

36 feet high, is about in the middle 
of the island, on a summit 140 ft. 
high, and is visible from a vessel's 
deck, on a clear night, 19 miles. 
Close in with the western shore of 
the island, about 200 yards off, is a 
small island, bare of all vegetation 
except grass, called Manana Islaud. 
Between the northern end of Manana 
and the western face of Monhegan 
are two bare islets, which form, with 
Manana and Monhegan, a small har- 
bor of refuge, called Monhegan Har- 
bor. Vide Atlantic Coast Pilot, Sub- 
Div. 4, pp. 302, 303. Capt. John 
Smith, who, in April, 1014, was at 
Monhegan, says: (Description of 
New England, p. 16, Force, Historical 
Tracts, Vol. 2, 'Veazie Reprint, p. 
46,) " Monhegan is a rounde high 
ile; and close by it Monanis, betwixt 
which is a small harbor where we 




This Hand is woody, grouen with Firre, Birch, Oke 
and Beech, as farre as we saw along the shore; and so 
likely to be within. On the verge grow Gooseberries, 
Strawberries, Wild pease, and Wild rose bushes. The 
water issued forth down the Rocky cliffes in many 
places : and much fowle of diuers kinds breed vpon the 
shore and rocks. 

While we were at shore, our men aboord with a 
few hooks got aboue thirty great Cods and Hadocks, 
which gaue vs a taste of the great plenty of fish which we 
found afterward wheresoeuer we went vpon the coast. 64 

; From hence 65 we might discerne the maine land 
from the West-South-West to the East-North-East, and 
a great way (as it then seemed, and as we after found it) 


64. "The coast aboundeth jwith 
such multitudes of Codd, that the in- 
habitants of New England doe dunge 
their grounds with Codd; and it is a 
commodity better than the golden 
mines of the Spanish Indies." New 
English Canaan, p. 59, Force, Histor- 
ical Tracts, Vol. 2. " The abundance 
of Sea-Fish are almost beyond beleeu- 
ing, and sure I should scarce hauo 
beleeved it except I had seen it with 
mine own Eves." New England's 
Plantation, p. 8, Force, Historical 
Tracts, Vol. 1. 

Co. It has been claimed that by 
these words Rosier means from Mon- 

hegan ; but as he has just referred to 
the return of the boat to the anchor- 
age of the Archangel, and to the oc- 
cupation of the sailors while the par- 
ty were ashore, it seems most nat- 
ural to suppose that he means from 
the position of the ship, a league 
north of the island. 

60. These words are held by some 
to mean " barely see " ; but the same 
words occur in the former part of 
the sentence where they certainly 
cannot have this meaning, and it is 
fair to infer that they have the same 
signification in the two places. 


9 6 


vp into the maine we might discerne 66 very high mourr 
taines, 67 though the maine seemed but low land ; which 

67. Capt. Williams, of the' U. S. 
Revenue Service, who, in 1797, at the 
request of Dr. Belknap, examined the 
coast of Maine with reference to 
Wayinouth's discoveries, identified 
these mountains with what he calls 
the "Penobscot Mountains," meaning 
what are now "known as the Camden 
Mountains. This was the accepted 
view until John McKeen (Coll. Me. 
Hist. Society, Vol. 5, pp. 313, 314) ad- 
vanced the opinion that they were 
the White and Blue Mountains. He 
says : " It was this day probably 
clear, and the White and Blue Moun- 
tains in Maine and New Hampshire 
were visible and might have been 
seen thirty miles further to the east- 
ward, as we are informed by the dec- 
larations of old mariners." No other 
writer, so far as I am aware, has re- 
ferred to the Blue Mountains in this 
connection. R. K. Sewall (Ancient 
Dominions, p. o9), adopted the view 
that the high mountains seen by 
Waymouth were the White Moun- 
tains. He says : " The text implies a 
distant inland prospect of mountain 
views, as landmarks, which ' might ' 
be discerned from the anchorage, un- 
der what is conceded to be Monhegan 
Island, though it is not positive that 
they could be fully seen, as they were 
only discerned, which implies dimness, 


as well as distance, of vision ; and the 
White Mountains, showing in their 
magnificent outlines, terminating the 
view in the horizon of the distant 
west, along the valley of the Andros- 
coggin, would seem to answer the 
object of the narrator as well as the 
description he gives, which was, so to 
shade the locality of the exploration 
and discoveries as to lead foreign 
voyagers, who might follow, astray." 
Dr. Edward Ballard (Popham Memo- 
rial Volume, p. 303) adopted the same 
view, and it is still held by some 
others. But William Willis (Coll. 
Me. Hist. Society, Vol. 5, p. 340) ad- 
hered to the earlier view advanced 
by Capt. Williams. He says : " We 
place ourselves by the side of the an- 
cient mariner, Wayinouth, as he lies 
in the 'Gift of God ' [the Archangel] 
on the northern shore of Monhegan, 
and ibefore us ' descerne the mayne 
land and very high mountains.' The 
land surely can be no other than the 
shore from Pemaquid to Owl's Head, 
and the mountains the Camden and 
other heights bordering the Penob- 
scot Bay, which now, as then, lift 
their lofty heads in silent, solemn 
grandeur before us. The White 
Mountains lie far to the west, more 
than 120 miles distant, and can only 
be seen under favorable circum- 

/ ■. 

, . -t-.jww 



gaue vs a hope it would please God to direct vs to the 
discouerie of some good ; although wee were driuen by 


stances." Prince took the same view 
(Coll. Me. Hist. Society, Vol. 6, p. 294, 
He says: "If we place ourselves 
near Monhegan in clear weather, we 
shall be at no loss to discover that 
the ' very high mountains ' referred 
to are no other than the Camden and 
Union Mountains, which show their 
lofty heads far inland. . . . They are 
the only conspicuous heights along 
the coast, and a noted landmark 
for mariners approaching the land, 
being visible long before the main 
land comes into view." Rev. David 
Cushman (Coll. Me. Hist. Society, 
Vol.6, pp. 309,310), Johnston (His- 
tory of Bristol and Bremen, p. 31), 
Bancroft (History of the United 
States, Revised Ed., Vol. 1, pp. 81, 82,) 
and others adopt the same view. It 
seems to me the only view that is 
tenable. The White Mountains can 
be seen from Monhegan only in the 
very clearest weather, and therefore 
only occasionally. Capt. Deering, 
who in the steamer Lewiston for 
many years has sailed along the coast 
of Maine, between Portland and Ma- 
chias, says he has never seen Mt. 
Washington from the waters north of 
Monhegan. Capt. Denison of the 
steamer City of Richmond, who also 
has had a long experience on the coast 
of Maine, bears the same testimony. 
It is not denied that in very clear 


weather Mt. Washington can be seen 
from Monhegan, and on rarest occa- 
sions from the waters between Mon- 
hegan and the George's Islands. I 
spent a few days on Monhegan in 
August, 1885. The days went by but 
Mt. Washington was not visible. In 
the night of the 14th there was an 
aurora, and the wind, that had been 
to the southward for two days, blew 
very fresh from the northward early 
the next morning. The sky was 
without a cloud, and thinking that if 
ever I was to see Mt. Washington 
from Monhegan the time had come, 
I rose about four o'clock and walked 
over to the northern part of the Is- 
land near the school house. The 
Camden Mountains were clearly and 
sharply defined against the horizon, 
"a great way vp into the maine." 
But scanning carefully the horizon to 
the west, I failed to discern the White 
Mountains. A fisherman, whom I 
met, told me they could be seen only 
at sunset: at least, he had never seen 
them at any other time. About half 
past six o'clock, Mr. Humphrey, the 
assistant light-keeper, who knew I 
had visited Monhegan for the purpose 
of obtaining a view of the White 
Mountains from that point, informed 
me that Mt. Washington had been 
visible all the morning. With Mr. G. 
N. Faught, of Boston, I at once ac- 



winds farre from that place, whither (both by our direc- 
tion and desire) we euer intended to shape the course of 

our voyage. 

companied Mr. Humphrey to the 
summit of the hill on which the light 
house stands. We halted at the en- 
trance of the light house enclosure, 
and Mr. Faught and myself scanned 
the horizon to the west and north- 
west; but neither of us saw Mt. 
Washington until its exact position 
was indicated by Mr. Humphrey. 
Then we saw a faint blue mountain 
summit a little to the westward of 
Pemaquid Point light house. Hold- 
ing it in view we descended the slope 
in order to note the point at which it 
was lost to sight. Just below the 
school-house, and about sixty feet 
from the ocean level as I estimated, 
the mountain disappeared. It was at 
thi3 point that Capt. Charles Ed- 
wards, of the U. S. Light House Ser- 
vice, as he informs me, lost sight of 
Mt Washington a few years ago 
when he made a like test. Mr. Hum- 
phrey assured me that ho had often 
made this test with a like result. 
But it has been seen at the shore. 
April 11, 1835, at 6:39 r. m., Wil- 
liam Stanley, keeper of the light, 
who at my request was noting the 
appearances of Mt. Washington from 
Monhegan, "surprised at the seem- 
ing near approach of Mt. Washing- 
ton never before seen so plain," after 
lighting the lamp, left the lantern in 


care of Mr. Humphrey and descend- 
ing the hill to the water's edge had a 
view of Mt. Washington at that point, 
and called several of the neighbors to 
bear witness to this singular occur- 
rence, of which the peculiar state of 
the atmosphere was undoubtedly the 
occasion. Mr. Stanley, Oct. 17, 1885, 
sent me the following record of the 
views he had of Mt. Washington from 
Sept. G to that date : 
" Sunday, Sept. 6, saw Mt. Wash- 
ington plain from the shore at 
6 a. m. 
"Thursday, 10th, from tower 3 

" Thursday, 17th, very plain from 

hill 6 p. m. 
" Sunday, 20th, 10 a. m. and from 5 
to 6.30 p. m. Could not see it 
from the shore. Lost sight 
half way from the school house 
to the shore. 
" Friday, 25th, plain from tower 7 

a. m. and 6.30 p. m. 

" Friday, Oct. 9th, from 5 to 6 p. m. 

"Sunday, 11th, very plain from 

tower 4 to 6 p. m. Not visible 

from shore. 

" Friday, 16th, plain from tower 4 

to 6 p. m." 
Oct. 23, after receiving the above 
record, I wrote to Mr. Stanley, re- 
questing him to continue his observa- 



The next day beinsr Whit-Sundav ; because we rode 
too much open to the sea and windes, we weyed anker 


tions. Dec. 31, 1885, he sent me the 
following additional report, signed by 
himself and Frederic F. Humphrey, 
assistant keeper. 

" Oct. 26th, from 3 to 5 p. m., Mt. 
Washington was seen from light- 
house hill. 

" Oct. 31st, 4.30 p. m., plain from 
the shore. 

" Nov. 1st, 4.20 p. m., from tower. 

"Nov. 10th, 4.30 p. m., from school 

" Nov. 20th, 4.40 p. m., from tower. 

"Nov. 26th, 4.25 p.m., very near 
sea level. 

" Nov. 27th, 4.30 p. m., from tower. 

"Nov. 28th, 4 p. in., from school 

" Dec. 4th, from 3 to 5 p. m., plain 
from tower. 

" Dec. 11th, 3.30 p. m., plain from 

" Dec 25th, plain all day from 
tower. Lose sight half way from 
S. H. to shore. 

"Dec. 26th, plain 8 a. m., also 3.30 
p. m., from tower. 

" Dec. 27th, from 8 a. m. to 5 p. m., 
plain from tower." 

This record shows that from early 
iu September, 1885, to January, 1886, 
the White Mountains were seen only 
once ail day from Monhegan, and only 
three times from the shore, and only 

occasionally, morning or evening, 
from the hill or light-house tower. 

Hon. C. W. Goddard, of Portland, 
without any reference to the point 
here at issue, kept a memorandum of 
his observation of the White Moun- 
tains from Portland during the three 
months preceding Jan. 1, 1887. In a 
communication, which will be found 
in the Portland Press of Jan. 3, 1887, 
he says : "A memorandum kept dur- 
ing the past three months shows that 
the White Mountains have been clear- 
ly visible between 7 and 7.30 a. m., 
only seven times, Oct. 17th, 24th, 25th, 
20th, Nov. 5th, 27th and Dec. Gth. 
During the same period, they have 
been dimly discernable eight times; 
in all, 15 times only in 92 mornings, 
or less than one morning out of six." 

I left Monhegan for Boothbay soon 
after my own observation of Mt. 
Washington as noted above ; and 
though I looked for Mt. Washington 
again and again between Monhegan 
and Ocean Point — sailing over the 
same course traced by Waymouth, 
according to McKeen and others — it 
was not visible. And yet it was one 
of the clearest days of the season, 
and if ever the White Mountains 
served as a landmark in these waters 
they should have done so on that day ; 
for the United States Meteorological 


about twelue a clocke, and came alono- to the other 
Hands more adjoyning to the maine, 68 and in the rode 
directly with the mountaines, about three leagues from 
the first Hand where we had ankered. 

When we came neere vnto them (sounding all alone 
in a good depth) our Captaine manned his ship-boat and 
sent her before with Thomas Cam one of his Mates, 


observer on Mt. Washington sent 
that day, Aug. 15, the following de- 
spatch to the associated press : 
"This has been a perfect day. Ships 
On the ocean off Portland hare been 
easily distinguished." Vide Port- 
land Argus, Aug. 17, 1885. But 
though I could not see Mt. Washing- 
ton from the water level even under 
these favorable circumstances, as 
we sailed away from Monhegan 
Harbor, and for miles, the Camden 
Mountains were in fall view, far up 
in the main, their summits distinctly 
outlined against the sky. They are 
the most notable feature of the coast 
line as seen from Monhegan, and cer- 
tainly no mariner approaching the 
coast could fail to mark them, and no 
one giving a description of the coast 
could fail to mention them. This 
Rosier did, if the mountains to which 
he refers were the White Mountains. 
For the bearing of an additiou to Ho- 
sier's "Relation" at this point, as 
found in Purchas, His Pilgritnmes, 
see note 43. Capt. John Smith, De- 

scription of New England, p. 13, 
Force, Historical Tracts, Vol. 2, refers 
to " the very high mountains of Pe- 
nobscot, against whose feet doth beat 
the Sea," and adds, " But ouer all the 
Land, lies, or other impediments you 
may well see them sixteene or eight- 
eene leagues from their situation." 

68. It is natural to understand by 
these words the islands between the 
place of anchorage (a league north 
of Monhegan) and the main land. 
The St. George's Islands, sixteen in 
number, extending in a line nearly 
N. NE. and S. SW. for about five 
miles, answer to this description. 
They are "in the rode directly with" 
the Union and Camden Mountains. 
Williamson (Hist, of Me., 1, p. 01) 
says Monhegan lies nine miles south- 
erly of the St. George's Islands. The 
southern end of the outermost, 
Allen's Island, according to the Coast 
Survey Chart, bears N. by E. }£ E. 
from Monhegan Light-house, distant 
about rive miles and a half. The dis- 
tance given by Rosier is of course 

. _ - 

Allen's Is 

Monh«?*Ti IsUrid 

View oi Monhegan Island from Wascongus Bay, Lis lit bearing S.W.byS. distant31Mile's 

Allen's Wand 

ViewoE St.George's Group a,nd the Camden Mountain* from Monhegan Island 

Sketcked" fcj H.S.B '85 



whom he knew to be of good experience, to sound a 
search betweene the Hands for a place safe for our shippe 
to ride in ; in the meane while we kept aloofe at sea, 
hauins: eiuen them in the boat a token to weffe in the 
ship, if he found a conuenient Harbour; which it pleased 
God to send vs, farre beyond our expectation, in a most 
safe birth defended from all windes, in an excellent 
depth of water for ships of any burthen, in six, seuen, 
eight, nine and ten fathoms vpon a clay oaze very tough. 
We all with great joy praised God for his vnspeak- 
able goodnesse, who had from so apparent danger de- 
liuered vs, & directed vs vpon this day into so secure an wiutsunday. 
Harbour : in remembrance whereof we named it Pente- 
cost harbor, 69 we arriuing there that day out of our last 


only an estimate, and it will be seen 
that throughout the " Relation " 
Hosier's distances are in excess of 
actual measurements. But this diffi- 
culty is much increased if by " the 
other Hands" are meant the Dainis- 
cove Islands (McKeen, Me. Hist. Soc. 
Coll., Vol. 5, p. 314), that is, the group 
of islands off Boothbay, the nearest 
of which must be fourteen miles from 
Monhegan. Besides, no one on a ves- 
sel a league north of Monhegan 
could possibly speak of these islands 
as "more adjoyning to the limine," 
and they are certainly not " in the 
rode directly with " the White Moun- 

09. McKeen (Me. Hist. Soc. Coll., 
Vol. 5, p. 314,) says: "To a person 
well acquainted with the coast, the 
several inlets, the harbors, and is- 
lands, there cannot be the least 
shadow of doubt that this Pentecost 
Harbor is that afterwards called 
Townsend Harbor, now Boothbay." 
But Boothbay Harbor cannot be 
reached by running in, from Way- 
mouth's anchorage three miles north 
of Monhegan, " to the other Hands 
more adjoyning to the ruaine." Fur- 
ther, Boothbay Harbor is not a har- 
bor formed by islands alone, as the 
narrative requires, but by the shores 
of the main land and the outlying 


Harbor in England, from whence we set saile vpon 

About foure a clocke, after we were ankered and well 
mored our Captaine with halfe a dozen of our Company 


islands. The depth of water, too, in 
Boothbay Harbor, does not agree 
with the statement in the " Relation." 
The narrative also implies that the 
main land was at a distance. Evi- 
dently recognizing the difficulties in 
identifying Boothbay Harbor with 
Pentecost Harbor, Sewall (Ancient 
Dominions of Maine, p. 74), says that 
Way mouth anchored between Fish- 
erman's Island and Squirrel Island, 
off Boothbay Harbor. He has since 
identified Fishermen's Island Harbor 
with Pentecost Harbor. But this har- 
bor, like Boothbay Harbor, is not 
reached by sailing in from Way- 
mouth's anchorage " to the other 
Hands more adjoyning to the maine." 
No one, too, would speak of the waters 
between Fisherman's Island Harbor 
and Squirrel Island as " a most 
safe birth defended from all windes," 
while in reference to the other 
points of identification mentioned 
above — the depth of water and the 
position in relation to the main land 
— the facts do not correspond with 
the facts recorded by Hosier concern- 
ing Pentecost Harbor. This is true, 
also, with reference to Fisherman's 

Island Harbor. Moreover, other 
points of identification to be consid- 
ered further on are no less decisive 
against this theory. On the other 
hand, St. George's Harbor answers 
fully the requirements of the narra- 
tive. From Waymouth's anchorage 
it can be reached by sailing in " to 
the other Hands more adjoyning to 
the maine." It is a harbor formed by 
islands — Allen's, Burnt, Benuer's and 
Davis — and has four entrances. The 
main land, as is implied in the " Re- 
lation," is at a distance. Moreover 
the depth of water in the harbor, as 
given by Rosier, corresponds with the 
figures on the coast survey chart. 
The least depth given near the shore 
is four fathoms ; but in the harbor 
proper there are six, seven, eight and 
a half, nine, ten and eleven fathoms, 
and the bottom is marked " hard." 
On the southern side of Davis Is- 
land, and between it and Allen's and 
Benuer's Islands, according to the 
Atlantic Coast Pilot, p. 303, " is good 
anchorage in from four to eleven 
fathoms." Other points of identifi- 
cation will be considered as they oc- 
cur in the narrative. 





went on shore 70 to seeke fresh watering, and a con- 
uenient place to set together a pinnesse, which we 
brought in pieces out of England ; both which we found 
very fitting. 

Vpon this Hand, as also vpon the former, we found 
(at out first comming to shore) where fire had beene 
made : and about the place were very great egge shelles 
bigger than goose egges, fish bones, and as we judged, 
the bones of some beast. 

Here we espied Cranes stalking on the shore of a cranes, 
little Hand adjoyning 71 ; where we after saw they vsed to 

Whitsun-munday, the 20 day of May, very early in 
the morning, our Captaine caused the pieces of the pin- 
nesse to be carried a shore, where while some were 
busied about her, others digged welles to receiue the 
fresh water, which we found issuing downe out of the 
land in many places. Heere I cannot omit (for foolish 
feare of imputation of flattery) the painfull industry of 


70. McKeen (Maine Hist. Soc. 
Coll., Vol.5, p. 315,) does not attempt 
to identify the island upon which 
Way mouth landed and afterwards 
set up the " pinnesse." Sewall thinks 
it was Fisherman's Island. Allen's 
Island, one of the St. George group, 
answers all the requirements of the 

71. Benner's Island is separated 
from Allen's Island by a passage 
about two hundred yards wide, with 
three and a half fathoms at low water. 
The island is about seven hundred 
yards long. Sewall thinks " the little 
island adjoining " was Ram Island, 
which adjoins Fisherman's Island. 


We tLshed. 

Abundance of 
many good 

our Captaine, who as at sea he is alwayes most carefull 
and vigilant, so at land he refuseth no paines ; but his 
labour was euer as much or rather more than any mans : 
which not only encourageth others with better content, 
but also effecteth much with great expedition. 

In digging we found excellent clay 72 for bricke or tile. 

The next day we finished a well of good and hole- 
some cleere water in a great empty caske, which we left 
there. We cut yards, waste trees, and many necessaries 
for our ship, while our Carpenter and Cooper laboured 
to fit and furnish forth the shallop. 

This day our boat went out about a mile from our 
ship, and in small time with two or three hooks was 
fished sufficiently for our whole Company three dayes, 
with great Cod, Haddocke, and Thornebacke. 73 

And towards night we drew with a small net of 
twenty fathoms very nigh the shore : we got about thirty 
very good and great Lobsters, 74 many Rockfish, some 


72. Clay is found on Allen's Island 
near the harbor shore, and water can 
still be secured in the manner de- 
scribed in this paragraph. 

73. " We take plentie of Scate and 
Thornbacke." New England's Plan- 
tations, p. 9. Force, Historical 
Tracts, Vol. 1. 

74. "We take plentie . . . .of 
Lobsters, that the least Boy in the 
Plantation may both catch and eat 

what he will of them. For my owne 
part I was some cloyed with them, 
they were so great and fat, and lus- 
sious. I haue seene some my selfe 
that haue weighed 1G pound, but 
others haue had diuers time so great 
Lobsters as haue weighed 25 pounds, 
as they assured me." New England's 
Plantations, p. 9. Force, Historical 
Tracts, Vol. 1. 





Plaise, 75 and other small fish ess, and fishes called Lumpes, 76 
verie pleasant to the taste : and we generally obserued, 
that all the fish, of what kinde soeuer we tooke, were 
well fed, fat, and sweet in taste. 77 

Wednesday, the 22 of May, we felled and cut wood 
for our ships vse, cleansed and scoured our wels, and 
digged a plot of ground, wherein, amongst some garden 


75. The flounder. " There are ex- 
cellent Plaice and easily taken. They 
(at flowing water) do almost come 
ashore, so that one may stepp but 
halfe a foote deepe, and pick them vp 
on ; the sands." New English Ca- 
naan, p. 61. Force, Historical Tracts, 
Vol. 2. 

76. So named from the clumsiness 
of its form. It sometimes weighs 
seven pounds, and its flesh is very 
fine at some seasons. It is still occa- 
sionally found in our waters. 

77. In Wood's New England Pros- 
pect," p. 36, in connection with an ac- 
count of the fish in New England wa- 
ters, occurs the following list in verse : 
"The king of waters, the Sea shoul- 
dering Whale, 

The snufiing Grampus, with the oyly 

The storme praesaging Porpus, Her- 
ri ng-IIogge, 

Line shearing Sharke, the Catfish, 
and Sea Dogge, 

The Scale-fenc'd Sturgeon,* wry 
mouthed Hollibut, 


The flounsing Sammon, Codfish, 

Cole, Haddocke, Haicke, the Thorne- 
backe, and the Scate, 

Whose slimie out side makes him 
selde in date, 

The stately Basse old Neptunes 
fleeting post, 

That tides it out and in from Sea to 

Comforting Herrings, and the bony 

Big-bellied Alewives, Machrills rich- 
ly clad 

With Ilainebow colours, th' Frost- 
fish and the Smelt, 

As good as ever Lady Gustus felt. 

The spotted Lamprons, Eeles, the 

That seek fresh water brookes with 
Argus eyes ; 

These waterie villagers with thou- 
sands more, 

Doe passe and repasse neare the 
verdant shore." 


Come sowed. 

seeds, we sowed peaze and barley, which in sixteen 
dayes grew eight inches aboue ground ; and so con- 
tinued growing euery day halfe an inch, although this 
was but the crust of the ground, and much inferior to the 
mould we after found in the maine. ?s 

Friday, the 24 of May, after we had made an end of 
cutting wood, and carying water aboord our shippe, 
with fourteene Shot and Pikes 79 we marched about and 
thorowpart of two of the Hands; the bigger of which we 
judged to be foure or fiue miles in compasse, and a mile 
broad. 80 

The profits and fruits which are naturally on these 

Hands are these : 


78. " I made a Garden vpon the 
top of a Rockie lie in 43} o, 4 leagues 
from the Main, in May, that grew so 
well, as it serued vs for sallets in 
lune and Iuly." Capt. John Smith, 
Description of New England, p. 9. 
Force, Historical Tracts, Vol. 2. 

79. The Hint-lock was not invent- 
ed until the middle of the 17th cen- 
tury. The matchlock, subsequently 
referred to as used by Waymouih, 
was a cumbersome weapon, fired by 
a match like a cannon. The Pilgrims 
brought with them matchlocks. Capt. 
Miles Standish, however, had a Snap- 
bance, a Dutch gun, which struck fire 
with a flint, but had no cover to the 

pan, and wa3 a clumsy arrangement 
superseded by the flint-lock. 

80. If these islands belonged to 
the St. George's group, the larger was 
Allen's Island, and the other Burnt 
Island, the next largest of the group, 
half a mile to the eastward of Allen's 
Island. The latter, according to the 
Atlantic Local Coast Pilot, " is nearly 
a mile and a half long." Monhegan, 
which to Rosier appeared " some six 
miles in compass," is not so long as 
Allen's Island, though a little wider. 
McKeen (Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. 
5, p. 315.) says : "The larger is sup- 
posed to be Cape Newagen, the lesser 
Squirrel Island." 




All alons: the shore and 
some space within, where 
the wood hindereth not, 
grow plentifully 


Within the Hands erowe 



Strawberries. 81 




Angelica. 82 



The fruits of 
the llanos. 

wood of sundry sorts, some <J Spruce, 
very great, and all tall : Cherry-tree. 


Oke very great and good. 

Firre-tree, out of which 

issueth Turpentine in so maruellous plenty, and so sweet, 
as our Chirurgeon and others affirmed they neuersaw so 
good in England. We pulled off much Gumme congealed 
on the outside of the barke, which smelled like Frank- 

81. Strawberries were greatly rel- 
ished by the early settlers of New 
England. The Pilgrims found on 
Cape Cod " great store " of them. 
Mourt's Relation, Dexter's Ed., p. 
20. Roger Williams (Key in R. I. 
Hist. Coll., 1, 90.) says : "This Berry 
is the wonder of all fruits growing 
naturally in those parts : it is of it- 
selfe Excellent: so that one of the 
Chiefest Doctors of England was 
wont to say, that God could have 


made, but God never did make a bet- 
ter Berry. In some parts where the 
Natives have planted I have many 
times seen as many as would fill a 
good ship within a few miles corn- 

82. An umbelliferous plant, so 
called because of its supposed angel- 
ic virtues. One species, A sylcestris, 
common in Britain, was formerly 
greatly prized for its supposed virtues. 



A Crosse 

incense. This would be a great benefit for making 
Tarre and Pitch. 

We stayed the longer in this place, not only because 
of our good Harbour (which is an excellent comfort) 
but because euery day we did more and more discouer 
the pleasant fruitfulnesse ; insomuch as many of our 
Companie wished themselues setled heere, not expect- 
ing any further hopes, or better discouery to be made. 

Heere our men found abundance of srreat muscels 


among the rocks ; and in some of them many small 
Pearls : and in one muscell (which we drew vp in our 
net) was found foureteene Pearles, 83 whereof one of prety 
bignesse and orient ; in another aboue fiftie small 
Pearles ; and if we had had a Drag, no doubt we had 
found some of great valew, seeing these did certainly 
shew, that heere they were bred : the shels all glittering 
with mother of Pearle. 

Wednesday, the 29 clay, our shallop being now fin- 
ished, and our Captaine and men furnished to depart 
with hir from the ship : we set vp a crosse 84 on the shore 

side vpon the rockes. 


83. The Pilgrims, when they an- 
chored in Cape Cod Harbor, " found 
great Mussles, and very fat and full 
of Sea pearle." Mourt's Relation, 
Dexter's Ed., pp. 4, 5. 
: 84. This is the only cross Rosier 

mentions as set up by Waymouth, 
except the one which was set up on 
the bank of the river which was sub- 
sequently discovered ; and Rosier 
states further on in the " Relation" 
that they saw no crosses that had 


Thursday, the 30 of May, about ten a clock afore 
noon, our Captaine with 13 men more, in the name of 
God, and with all our praiers for their prosperous dis- 
couerie, and safe returne, departed in the shallop : leau- 
ing the ship in a good harbour, which before I men- 
tioned, well mored, and manned with 14 men. 

This day, about flue a clocke in the afternoone, we 2EU s Suov 
in the shippe espied three Canoas comming towards vs, 
which went to the iland adjoining, where they went a 
shore, and very quickly had made a fire, about which 
they stood beholding our ship : to whom we made signes 
with our hands and hats, weffing vnto them to come vnto 
vs, because we had not seene any of the people yet. 
They sent one Canoa with three men, one of which, 
when they came neere vnto vs, spake in his language 
very lowd and very boldly: seeming as though he would 
know why we were there, and by pointing with his oare 
towards the sea, we conjectured he ment we should be 
gone. But when we shewed them kniues and their vse, by 
cutting of stickes and other trifles, as combs and glasses, 
they came close aboard our ship, as desirous to enter- 
taine our friendship. To these we gaue such things as 
we perceiued they liked, when wee shewed them the 

been erected by others. The fact, 
therefore, that Gilbert, in 1007, found 
a cross on one of the islands of St. 

vse : 

George's Harbor, is very strongly in 
favor of the identification of Pente- 
cost Harbor with St. George's Harbor. 


Three sorts of 
colours of 

Their clothing 
and buskins. 

vse : bracelets, rings, peacocke feathers, which they 
stucke in their haire, and Tabacco pipes. After their 
departure to their company on the shore ; presently 
came foure other in another Canoa : to whom we gaue 
as to the former, vsing them with as much kindnes as 
we could. 

The shape of their body is very proportionable, they 
are wel countenanced, not very tal nor big, but in stature 
like to vs : they paint their bodies with blacke, their 
faces, some with red, some with blacke, and some with 
blew. 85 

Their clothing is Beauers skins, or Deares skins, cast 
ouer them like a mantle, and hanging downe to their 
knees, made fast together vpon the shoulder with leather ; 
some of them had sleeues, most had none ; some had 
buskins of such leather sewed : they haue besides a 
peece of Beauers skin betweene their legs, made fast 
about their waste, to couer their priuities. 86 


85. " Most of them paint the face 
black and red. These colors they 
mix with oil made from the seed of 
the sun-flower, or with bear's fat or 
that of other animals." Voyages of 
Samuel De Champlaiu, Prince Soc. 
Ed., Vol. 3, p. 166. 

86. Friday, March 16, 1021, Sara- 
oset suddenly appeared at Plymouth. 
The next Sunday he brought with 
him five other Indians. Mourt de- 

scribing them says : " They had ev- 
ery man a Deeres skin on him, and 
the principall of them had a wild 
Cat skin, or such like on the one 
arme ; they had most of them long 
hosen vp to their groynes, close made ; 
and aboue their groynes to their 
wast another leather, they were alto- 
gether like the Irish trousers ; they 
are of complexion like our English 
Gipseys, no haire or very little on 



They suffer no haire to grow on their faces, but on 
their head very long and very blacke, which those that 
haue wiues, binde vp behinde with a leather string, in a 
long round knot. 

They seemed all very ciuill and merrie : shewing 
tokens of much thankefulnesse, for those things we gaue 
them. We found them then (as after) a people of exceed- 
ing good inuention, quicke vnderstanding and readie ca- 
pacities 7 


their faces, on their heads long haire 
to their shoulders, onely cut before, 
some trussed vp before with a feath- 
er, broad wise, like a fanne, another a 
fox tayle hanging out .... some of 
them had their faces painted black, 
from the fore head to the chin, foure 
or fiue fingers broad ; others after 
other fashions, as they liked." 
Mourt's Relation, Dr. H. M. Dexter's 
Ed., pp. 87, 88. Morton, referring to 
Indian apparel, says: "The Indians 
in these parts do make their apparrell 
of the skinnes of severall sortes of 
beastes, and commonly of those that 
doe frequent those partes where they 
doe live; yet some of them, for vari- 
ety, will have the skinnes of such 
beasts that frequent the partes of 
their neighbors, which they purchase 
of them by Commerce and Trade. 
These skinnes they convert into very 
good lether, making the same plume 
and soft. Some of these skinnes 

they dresse with the haire on, and 
some with the haire off, the hairy 
side in winter time they weare next 
their bodies, and in warme weather 
they wear the haire outwardes." 
Morton's New English Canaan, Prince 
Soc. Ed., 141, 142. Smith has a like 
description: "For their apparell 
they are sometimes covered with the 
skinnes of wild beasts, which in win- 
ter are dressed with the hayre, but in 
Summer without. The better sort 
use large mantels of Deare skins, not 
much differing in fashion from the 
Irish mantels. Some imbrodered 
with white beads, some with copper, 
others painted after their manner." 
True Travels, Vol. 1, p. 129. 

87. " Take these Indians in their 
ownetrimme and natural! disposition, 
and they be reported to be wise, lofty 
spirited, constant in friendship to one 
another, true in their promise, and 
more industrious than many others." 



rheir boats. 

Their Canoas are made without any iron, of the bark 
of a birch tree, strengthened within with ribs and hoops 
of wood, in so good fashion, with such excellent ingen- 
ious art, as they are able to beare seuen or eight per- 
sons, far exceeding any in the Indies. 

One of their Canoas came not to vs, wherein we im- 
agined their women were: of whom they are (as all 
Saluages) very jealous. 

When I signed vnto them they should goe sleepe, 
because it was night, they vnderstood presently, and 
pointed that at the shore, right against our ship, they 


would stay all night: as they did. 

The next morning very early, came one Canoa abord 
vs againe with three Saluages, whom we easily then en- 
ticed into our ship, and vnder the decke : where we gaue 
them porke, fish, bread and pease, all which they did 
eat ; and this I noted, they would eat nothing raw, either 
fish or flesh. They maruelled much and much looked 

Thus concerning the " Tarrenteenes," 
Wood's New England's Prospect, 
Prince Soc. Ed., p. 68. "These peo- 
ple are not (as some have thought) a 
dull, or slender witted people, but 
very ingenious and very subtile." 
New English Canaan, p. 31. Force, 
Historical Tracts, Vol. 2. " We haue 
found the Indians very faithful in 
their Covenant of Peace with vs: 


very louing and readie to pleasure 
vs : we often goe to them, and they 
come to vs . . . . we for our parts, 
walke as peaceably and safely in the 
wood, as in the hie-wayesin England, 
we entertaine them familiarly in our 
houses, and they as friendly bestow- 
ing their Venison on vs." Mourt's 
Relation, Dexter's reprint, pp. 133, 


vpon the making of our canne and kettle, so they did at 
a head-peece and at our guns, of which they are most 
fearefull, and would fall flat downe at the report of them. 
At their departure I signed vnto them, that if they would 
bring me such skins as they ware I would giue them 
kniues, and such things as I saw they most liked, which 
the chiefe of them promised to do by that time the 
Sunne should be beyond the middest of the firmament ; 
this I did to brino: them to an vnderstanding of exchange, 
and that they might conceiue the intent of our com- 
ming to them to be for no other end. 

About 10 a clocke this day we descried our Shallop 
returning toward vs, which so soone as we espied, we 
certainly conjectured our Captaine had found some vn- 
expected harbour, further vp ss towards the maine to 
bring the ship into, or some riuer; knowing his determ- 
ination and resolution, not so suddenly else to make re- 
turne : which when they came neerer they expressed by 
shooting volleies of shot ; and when they were come 


88. If the Archangel was at an- 
•chor in St. George's Harbor, and 
Waymouth was returning from the 
St. George's River, this expression is 
perfectly" accurate. With reference 
to St. George's Harbor the main is 
" further vp." The expression would 
not be accurate, however, if Way- 
mouth was returning from the Ken- 

nebec, by the back waters from Bath 
to Boothbay and the Archangel was 
anchored either in Boothbay Harbor, 
or in Fisherman's Island Harbor, to 
both of which the main is near. 
Nor would it be accurate if Way- 
mouth descended the Kennebec to its 
mouth, and thence made his way to 
either of these harbor3. 


within Musket shot, they gaue vs a volley and haled vs, 
then we in the shippe gaue them a great peece and haled 

Thus we welcomed them ; who gladded vs exceed- 
ingly with their joifull relation of their happie discouerie, 
which shall appeare in the sequele. And we likewise 
gaue them cause of mutuall joy with vs, in discoursing 
of the kinde ciuility we found in a people, where we 
little expected any sparke of humanity. 

Our Captaine had in this small time discouered vp a 
great riuer, trending alongst into the maine about forty 
miles. 89 The pleasantnesse whereof, with the safety of 
harbour for shipping, together with the fertility of 
ground and other fruits, which were generally by his 
whole company related, I omit, till I report of the whole 
discouery therein after performed. For by the breadth, 
depth and strong flood, imagining it to run far vp into 


89. This was an estimate and is ex- 
cessive on any theory. The words of 
McKeen ( Me. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. 5, p. 
317,) are worthy of notice here : " In 
travelling in any unfrequented region, 
especially when the mind is occupied 
and deeply interested in objects and 
scenery around, we are naturally 
prone to make no account of distance : 
it may be exaggerated, or very much 
diminished. So in going up a river, 
with or against a strong current, we 

may very much overrate, or fall short, 
in the actual distance ; the principal 
danger, however, is in the former. 
We have an instance in this same 
river [the Kennebec is here referred 
to]. Soon after Capt. Popham ar- 
rived at the mouth of the Sagadahoc 
river, on the 17th of August, he, with 
Capt. Gilbert, ' sailed up into the river 
near forty leagues,' and returned at 
night. This must be an error, and 
such errors are not uncommon." 




the land, he with speed returned, intending to flanke 
his light horsman for arrowes, least it might happen 
that the further part of the riuer should be narrow, and 
by that meanes subject to the volley of Saluages on 
either side out of the woods. 

Vntill his returne, our Captaine left on shoare where Trifles left 
he landed in a path (which seemed to be frequented) a 
pipe, a brooch and a knife, thereby to know if the Sal- 
uages had recourse that way, because they could at that 
time see none of them, but they were taken away before 
our returne thither. 

I returne now to our Saluages, who according to their 
appointment about one a clocke, came with 4 Canoas to 
the shoare of the Hand right ouer against vs, where 
they had lodged the last night, and sent one Canoa to 
vs with two of those Saluages, who had beene a bord, 
and another, who then seemed to haue command of 
them ; for though we perceiued their willingnesse, yet he 
would not permit them to come abord ; but he hauing 
viewed vs and our ship, signed that he would go to the 
rest of the company and returne againe. Presently after 
their departure it began to raine, and continued all that 
afternoone, so as they could not come to vs with their 
skins and furs, nor we go to them. But after an howre 
or there about, the three which had beene with vs before 



came againe, whom we had to our fire and couered them 
with our gounes. Our Captaine bestowed a shirt vpon 
him, whom we thought to be their chiefe, who seemed 
neuer to haue seene any before ; we gaue him a brooch 
to hang about his necke, a great knife, and lesser kniues 
to the two other, and to euery one of them a combe and 
glasse, the vse whereof we shewed them : whereat they 
laughed and tooke gladly ; we victualled them, and gaue 
them aqua vitae, 9 ° which they tasted, but would by no 
meanes drinke ; our beueridge they liked well, we gaue 
them Sugar Candy, which after they had tasted they 
liked and desired more, and raisons which were £iuen 
them; and some of euery thing they would reserue to 
carry to their company. Wherefore we pittying their 
being in the raine, and therefore not able to get them- 
selues victuall (as we thought) we gaue them bread and 
Tho intent of Thus because we found the land a place answereable 

our kind vsage 

ofthesaiuages. to the intent of our discouery, viz. fit for any nation to 

inhabit, we vsed the people with as great kindnes as we 

could deuise, or found them capable of. 


90. "Aqua ritce, a sort of cordial to the landing of a party from the 

Liquor formerly made of brewed 
Beer strongly h'opp'd, well fermented ; 
now [17301 it is commonly understood 
of Spirits, Geneva, and the like." 
— Bailey. Yet in Mourt's Relation, 
Dexter's reprint, p. 17, in a reference 

Mayflower on Cape Cod, it is stated, 
" we brought neither Beere nor 
Water with vs, and our victuals was 
onely Bisket and Holland cheese, and 
a little Bottle of aquavite." 


The next day, being Saturday and the first of June, KsSSgJi* 11 
I traded with the Saluages all the fore noone vpon the 
shore, where were eight and twenty of them : and be- 
cause our ship rode nigh, we were but flue or sixe : 
where for kniues, glasses, combes and other trifles to 
the valew of foure or flue shillings, we had 40 good 
Beauers skins, Otters skins, Sables, and other small 
skins, which we knewe not how to call. Our trade being 
ended, many of them came abord vs, and did eat by our 
fire, and would be verie merrie and bold, in regard of 
our kinde vsage of them. Towards night our Captaine 
went on shore, to haue a draught with the Seiii or Net. 
And we'carried two of them with vs, who maruelled to 
see vs catch fish with a net. Most of that we caught 
we gaue them and their company. Then on the shore I 
learned the names of diuers things of them : and when 
they perceiued me to write them doune, they would of 
themselues, fetch fishes, and fruit bushes, and stand by 
me to see me write their names. 

Our Captaine shewed them a strange thing which 
they woondred at. His sword and mine hauing beene 
touched with the Loadstone, tooke vp a knife, and held 
it fast when they plucked it away, made the knife turne, 
being laid on a blocke, and touching it with his sword, 
made that take vp a needle, whereat they much maruelled. 





Their Bowes 
and Arrowes. 

Their Bowes. 


This we did to cause them to imagine some great power 
in vs : and for that to loue and feare vs. 

When we went on shore to trade with them, in one 
of their Canoas I saw their bowes and arrowes, which I 
tooke vp and drew an arrow in one of them, which I 
found to be of strength able to carry an arrow flue or 
sixe score stronglie ; and one of them tooke it and drew 
as we draw our bowes, not like the Indians. 91 Their 
bow is made of Witch Hazell, and some of Beech in 
fashion much like our bowes, but they want nocks, onely 
a string of leather put through a hole at one end, and 
made fast with a knot at the other. Their arrowes are 
made of the same 92 wood, some of Ash, big and long, 
with three feathers tied on, and nocked very artificiallie : 
headed with the long shanke bone of a Deere, made 
very sharpe with two fangs in manner of a harping iron. 93 


91. For the following information 
I am indebted to Francis Parkraan, 
Esq., of Boston : " The English long 
bow was held perpendicularly, the 
left arm at full stretch, and the right 
hand drawn back, in shooting, to the 
level of the right ear. The Indians, 
in drawing the bow, did not necessa- 
rily hold it perpendicularly, but often 
at a slant, and drew back the right 
hand, not to the level of the right ear, 
but to that of the shoulder, or some- 
times below it. This, at least, was 
the mode of shooting, which, as I 

have myself observed, was, and in 
some measure still is, practised by 
the Indians of the Plains. The east- 
ern Indians, there can be little doubt, 
handled their bows in a similar way." 

92. In the copy of the " Relation " 
procured in England by Jared Sparks, 
and published in the Collections of 
the Mass. Hist. Soc, 3d series, Vol. 
8, the following words are here omit- 
ted : "a knot at the other. Their 
arrowes are made of the same." 

93. The Pilgrims in their first con- 
flict with the Indians picked up eight- 



They haue likewise Darts, headed with like bone, one TheirDart8 - 
of which I darted among the rockes, and it brake not. 
These they vse very*>cunningly, to kill fish, fowle and 

Our Captaine had two of them at supper with vs in 
his cabbin to see their demeanure, and had them in pres- 
ence at seruice : who behaued themselues very ciuilly, 
neither laughing nor talking all the time, and at supper 
fed not like men of rude education, neither would they 
eat or drinke more than seemed to content nature ; they 
desired pease to carry a shore to their women, which we 
gaue them, with fish and bread, and lent them pewter 
dishes, which they carefully brought againe. 

In the evening another boat came to them on the 
shore, and because they had some Tabacco, which they lent, 
brought for their owne vse, the other came for vs, mak- 
ing signe what they had, and offered to carry some of 
vs in their boat, but foure or flue of vs went with them 
in our owne boat : when we came on shore they gaue vs 
the best welcome they could, spreading fallow Deeres 
skins for vs to sit on the ground by their fire, and gaue 
vs of their Tabacco in our pipes, which was excellent, 


een arrows, which they sent to their 
friends in England. Some of tbese 
arrows were "headed with brass, 
others with Harts home and others 

with Eagles clawes." Mourt's Rela- 
tion, with notes by H, M. Dexter, 
D. D., p. 00. 




and so generally commended of vs all to be as good as 
any we euer tooke, being the simple leafe without any 
composition^ strong, and of sweet taste; they gaue us 
some to carry to our Captaine, whom they called our 
Bashabes ; neither did they require any thing for it, but 
we would not receiue any thing from them without re- 

Heere we saw foure of their women, who stood be- 
hind them, as desirous to see vs, but not willing to be 
seene; for before, whensoeuer we came on shore, they 
retired into the woods, whether it were in regard of 
their owne naturall modestie, being couered only as the 
men with the foresaid Beauers skins, or by the com- 
manding jealousy of their husbands, which we rather 
suspected, because it is an inclination much noted to be 
in Saluages ; wherefore we would by no meanes seeme 

The description . ... . 

o* their women to take any special 1 notice ot them. Iney were very 

and Children. J l J J 

well fauoured in proportion of countenance, though col- 
oured blacke, low of stature, and fat, bare headed as the 
men, wearing their haire long : 94 they had two little 


94. "The women and girls always unlike the men, the rest being always 

wear their hair in one uniform style. 
They are dressed like men, except 
that they always have their robes 
girt about them, which extend down 
to the knee. They are not at all 
ashamed to expose the body from the 
middle up and from the knees down, 

covered. . . . There is a moderate 
number of pleasing and pretty girls, 
in respect to figure, color and ex- 
pression, all being in harmony." 
Voyages of Samuel De Champlain, 
Prince Soc. Ed., Vol. 3, pp. 160, 1(37. 


male children of a yeere and half old, as we judged, 
very fat and of good countenances, which they loue ten- 
derly, all naked, except their legs, which were couered 
with thin leather buskins tewed, fastened with strops to 
a girdle about their waste, which they girde very streight, 
and is decked round about with little round peeces of 
red Copper; to these I gaue chaines and bracelets, 
glasses, and other trifles, which the Saluages seemed to 
accept in great kindness. 

At our comming away, we would haue had those two 
that supped with vs, to go abord and sleepe, as theyhad 
promised ; but it appeared their company would not suf- 
fer them. Whereat we might easily perceiue they were 
much greeued ; but not long after our departure, they 
came with three more to our ship, signing to vs, that if 
one of our company would go lie on shore with them, 
they would stay with vs. Then Owen Griffin (one of 
the two we were to leaue in the Country, if we had 
thought it needfull or conuenient) went with them in 
their Canoa, and 3 of them staied aborde vs, whom our 
whole company very kindly vsed. Our Captaine saw 
their lodging prouided, and them lodged in an old saile 
vpon the Orlop; and because they much feared our 
dogs, they were tied vp whensoeuer any of them came 
abord vs. 




The ceremonies Owen Griffin, which lay on the shore, reported vnto 


of ye Saluages 

;iridoia- me their maner, and (as I may terme them) the cere 

<«* monies of their idolatry ; which they performe thus. 

One among them (the eldest of the Company, as he 
judged) riseth right vp, the other sitting still, and look- 
ing about suddenly cried with a loud voice, Baugh, 
Waugh : then the women fall downe, and lie vpon the 
ground, and the men all together answering the same, 
fall a stamping round about the fire with both feet, as 
hard as they can, making the ground shake, with sundry 
out-cries, and change of voice and souncj. Many take 
the fire-sticks and thrust them into the earth, and then, 
rest awhile: of a sudden beginning as before, thev con- 
tinue so stamping, till the yonger sort fetched from the 
shore many stones, of which euery man tooke one, and 
first beat vpon them with their fire sticks, then with the 
stones beat the earth with all their strength. And in 
this maner (as he reported) they continued aboue two 

They He with After this ended, they which haue wiues take them 

their wiuea so- J 

cr6tly * apart, and withdraw themselues seuerally into the wood 

all night. 

The next mornincr, as soone as they saw the Sunne 
rise, they pointed to him to come with them to our 
shippe : and haueing receiued their men from vs, they 



came with fiue or sixe of their Canoas and Company 
houering about our ship ; to whom (because it was the 
Sabbath day) I signed they should depart, and at the 
next Sun rising we would goe along with them to their 
houses ; which they vnderstood (as we thought) and de- 
parted, some of their Canoas coursing about the Hand, 
and the other directly towards the maine. 

This day, about flue a clocke after noone, came three 
other Canoas from the maine, of which some had beene 
with vs before ; and they came aboord vs, and brought 
vs Tabacco, which we tooke with them in their pipes, 
which were made of earth, very strong, blacke, and sweet, 
containing a great quantity: some Tabacco they gaue 
vnto our Captaine, and some to me, in very ciuill kind 
maner. We requited them with bread and peaze, which 
they caried to their Company on shore, seeming very 
thankef ull. After supper they returned with their Canoa 
to fetch vs a shore to take Tabacco with them there : 
with whom six or seuen of vs went, and carried some 
trifles, if peradventure they had any trucke, among which 
I caried some few biskets, to try if they would exchange 
for them, seeing they so well liked to eat them. When 
we came at shore, they most kindly entertained vs, 
taking vs by the hands, as they had obserued we did to 
them aboord, in token of welcome, and brought vs to sit 



doune by their fire, where sat together thirteene of them. 
They filled their Tabacco pipe, which was then the 
short claw of a Lobster, which will hold ten of our pipes 
full, and we dranke 93 of their excellent Tabacco as much 
as we would with them ; but we saw not any great quan- 
tity to trucke for; and it seemed they had not much left 
of old, for they spend a great quantity yeerely by their 
continuall drinking: and they would signe vnto vs, that 
it was growen yet but a foot aboue ground, and would 
be aboue a yard high, with a leafe as broad as both their 
hands. They often would (by pointing to one part of 
B^lh^esis 5 ^ the maine eastward) signe vnto vs, that their Bashabes 96 

Eastward fro 
ye great Riuer. 

95. "Drinking" tobacco seems to 
have been the term employed when 
the reference was to smoking it; 
Massasoit, when he met the English 
at Plymouth for the first time, is de- 
scribed as "differing from the rest of 
his followers only in a great chain 
of white bone beads about his neck, 
and at it, behind his neck, hangs a 
little bag of tobacco, which he drank, 
and gave vs to drink." Drake, Book 
of the Indians, p. 22, cites an entry 
in the Plymouth records in 1646 as 
follows: "Anthony Thatcher and 
George Pole were chosen a committee 
to draw up an order concerning dis- 
orderly drinking of tobacco." 

00. This word Rosier evidently 
understood to be a title. So did 
Gorges, who (Briefe Narration, Me. 


Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. 2, p. 61,) says: 
" That part of the country we first 
seated in, seemed to be monarchical, 
by the name and title of a P>ashaba." 
Godfrey (Me. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. 7, 
p. 96,) cites Champlain's Voyages 
(see Prince Soc. Ed., Vol. 2, p. 45,) 
and Relations des Jesuits, 1, ch. 3, 8, 
to show that Bashaba was a name, 
not a title; and the testimony has 
this value, that both Champlain 
and the Jesuits had a personal ac- 
quaintance with the Indian monarch, 
while Rosier and Gorges did not. As 
to the place of his abode, we learn 
from Strachey (Me. Hist. Soc. Coll., 
3, p. 303) that the Indians who 
visited the Pophara colonists, "de- 
parted in their canoas for the river 
of Pamaquid, promising Capt. Gilbert 



(that is, their King) had great plenty of Furres, and 
much Tabacco. When we had sufficiently taken Ta- 
bacco with them, I shewed some of our trifles for trade ; 
but they made signe that they had there nothing to ex- 
change ; for (as I after conceiued) they had beene fishing 
and fowling, and so came thither to lodge that night by 
vs : for when we were ready to come away, they shewed 
vs great cups made very wittily of barke, in forme almost 
square, full of a red berry 97 about the bignesse of a^ e c ^£™e 
bullis, 98 which they did eat, and gaue vs by handfuls ; 

of which 

feede on. 

to accompany him in their canoas to 
the river of Penobscott, where the 
bassaba dwells." Champlaiu, who 
sailed up the Penobscot in 1G05 
(Voyages, Prince Soc. Ed., Vol. 2, pp. 
44, 45,) says : "I will drop this dis- 
cussion to return to the savages who 
had conducted me to the falls of the 
river Norumbegue, who went to noti- 
fy Bessabez, their chief, and other 
savages." These falls were evidently 
those a short distance above Bangor. 
97. This could not have been the 
checkerberry, the taste of which is 
pleasant. The reference, probably, 
is to the partridge berry {Mitchella 
repens) which is found only in North 
and South America and Japan. 
" The fruit is about the size of a 
whortleberry, broader than long, and 
being of two cohering ovaries shows 
the calyces of the two flowers; it is 
bright scarlet, and each half contains 

four bony nutlets in a white pulp. 
The berries remain on the plant 
through the winter, and it is not rare 
to find ripe fruit at the same time 
with the flowers in June. . . . The 
berries, while edible, are almost taste- 
less, and few care to eat them." Ap- 
pleton's Cyclopaedia, art. Partridge 

98. The name of a round or spher- 
ical kind of plum, and is usually 
spelled now " bullace." In Polwhele's 
Glossary, " bullum " is stated to be a 
term used in Devon and Cornwall for 
"the wild plum, the bullace," and, 
with a similar meaning, is included 
in the East and West Cornwall Glos- 
saries of the English Dialect Society, 
in Jago's Glossary of Cornwall, and in 
the Rev. II. Friend's Devonshire 
Plant Names. (Trans. Devon Asso., 
xiv., 18S2, 510-1.) It is remarkable for 
being entirely, or almost entirely, re- 


of which (though I liked not the taste) yet I kept some, 
because I would by ho meanes but accept their kind- 
nesse. They shewed me likewise a great piece of fish, 
whereof I tasted, and it was fat like Porpoise ; and 
another kinde of great scaly fish, broiled on the coales, 
much like white Salmon, which the Frenchmen calle 
Aloza," for these they would haue had bread ; which I 
refused, because in maner of exchange, I would ahvayes 
make the greatest esteeme I could of our commodities 
whatsoeuer; although they saw aboord our Captaine 
was liberall to giue them, to the end we might allure them 

aSn^/oTthe to frequent vs. Then they shewed me foure yoong Gos- 
i lings, for which they required foure biskets, but I offered 
them two ; which they tooke and were well content. 

At our departure they made signe, that if any of vs 
would stay there on shore, some of them would go lie 
aboord vs : at which motion two of our Company stayed 
with them, and three of the Salua^es lodged with vs in 
maner as the night before. 

jQne3, Early the next morning, being Munday the third of 

June, when they had brought our men aboord, they 
came about our ship, earnestly by signes desiring that 
we would go with them along to the maine, for that 


stricted to these two counties. Vide 
Western Antiquary, Jan., 1886, p. 
99. The American shad (Alosa 

prccstabilis), which attains a length 
of about twenty inches, and varies in 
weight from two to six pounds. 



there they had Furres and Tabacco to traffique with vs. 
Wherefore our Captaine manned the light-horseman 100 
with as many men as he could well, which were about 
fifteene with rowers and all ; and we went along with 
them. Two of their Canoas they sent away before, and 
they which lay aboord vs all night, kept company with 
vs to direct vs. 

This we noted as we went alonsr, thev in their Canoa 

- Their Canoa 

with their oares, would at their will go ahead of vs and outrowedvs - 
about vs, when we rowed with eight oares strong ; such 
was their swiftnesse, by reason of the lightnesse and ar- 
tificial! composition of their Canoa and oares. 

When we came neere the point 101 where we saw their 


100. A large boat without a deck ; 
probably not unlike the wooden 

101. Sewall (Ancient Dominions of 
Maine, p. 74,), who. makes Fisher- 
man's Island Harbor Pentecost Har- 
bor, thinks the reference is to Lini- 
ken's Point. If this were the fact, 
there would have been no need of In- 
dians to "direct" Waymouth and 
his companions thither. The place 
was near, and the smoke of their 
camp would have been a sufficient 
guide. But the impression given by 
the entire narrative is that the main 
was at a distance. Another fact is 
to be borne in mind. These Indians 
— as will appear further on — were 

Pemaquid Indians. The earliest set- 
tlement of the English at Pemaquid 
was on the eastern shore. On 
Smith's map, John's-Town — the name 
by which Smith designated Pemaquid 
— is far up on this shore. J. Win- 
gate Thornton (Me. Hist. Soc. Coll., 
Vol. 5, p. 183,) says : " There was a 
popular tradition in the year 1750, 
that John Pierce settled on the east- 
ern shore of Pemaquid, at Broad 
Bay." John Brown, who purchased 
of Samoset a large tract of land at 
Pemaquid, is called in the deed 
"John Brown of New Harbor/' I 
am inclined to believe that at least 
some of the Indians who visited 
Waymouth in Pentecost Harbor 


fires, where they intended to land, and where they im- 
agined some few of vs would come on shore with our 
merchandize, as we had accustomed before ; when they 
had often numbered our men very diligently, they scoured 
away to their Company, not doubting we would haue 
followed them. But when we perceiued this, and knew 
not either their intents, or number of Saluages on the 
shore, our Captaine, after consultation, stood off, and 
wefted them to vs, determining that I should go on 
shore first to take a view of them and what they had to 
traffique : if he, whom at our first sight of^them seemed 
to be of most respect among them, and being then in 
the Canoa, would stay as a pawne for me. When they 
came to vs (notwithstanding all our former courtesies) 
he vtterly refused; but would leaue a yoong Saluage: 
and for him our Captaine sent Griffin in their Canoa, 
while we lay hulling a little off. Griffin at his returne 
reported, thay had there assembled together, as he num- 
283 saiuages. bered them, two hundred eighty three Saluages, euery 
one his bowe and arrowes, with their dogges, and wolues 
which they keepe tame at command, and not anything to 
exchange at all ; but would haue drawen vs further vp 

lived on the eastern shore, probably 
at New Harbor, and that the " point " 
mentioned by Rosier is at the en- 


trance of the harbor, two miles and 
a half NE. by N. of Pemaquid Light- 



into a little narrow nooke 102 of a riuer, for their Furres, 
as they pretended. 

These things considered, we began to joyne them in 
the ranke of other Saluages, who haue beene by trauel- 
lers in most discoueries found very trecherous ; neuer at- 
tempting mischiefe, vntill by some remisnesse, fit oppor- 
tunity affordeth them certaine ability to execute the 
same. Wherefore after good advice taken, we deter- 
mined so soone as we could to take some of them, least 
(being suspitious we had discouered their plots) they 
should absent themselues from vs. 

Tuesday, the fourth of June, our men tooke Cod and 
Hadocke with hooks by our ship side, and Lobsters very 
great ; which before we had not tried. 

About eis:ht a clocke this dav we went on shore with 
our boats, to fetch aboord water and wood, our Captaine 

Pish in th<* 

102. Dr. De Costa (Mass. Hist. 
Soc. Proceedings, Vol. 18, p. 101, note) 
remarks: "That this ' little nook of 
a river' was Pemaquid River appears 
from the fact that, as Strachey says, 
Waymouth discovered not only ' the 
most excellent and benefieiall river 
of Sagadehoc/ but * that little one of 
Pemaquid.'" The mention by Ro- 
sier of " this little nooke of a riuer," 
however, can hardly be magnified 
into a discovery. He gives it no such 
prominence. In all probability, also, 



as has been shown in the preceding 
note, Waymouth was at this time on 
the eastern shore of Pemaquid, and 
so could not have discovered the riv- 
er to which Dr. De Costa refers. 
Rosier's language seems to imply that 
the "little nooke of a riuer" was 
near if not in sight, and the creek at 
New Harbor, on the southern side, 
near the point at the entrance, would 
seem to meet all the demands of the 


leauing word with the Gunner in the shippe, by dis- 
charging a musket, to giue notice if they espied any 
Canoa comming ; which they did about ten a clocke. 
He therefore bein^ carefull they should be kindly en- 
treated, requested me to go aboord, intending with dis- 
patch to make what haste after he possibly could. 
When I came to the ship, there were two Canoas, and 
in either of them three Saluages, of whom two were 
below at the fire, the other staied in their Canoas about 
the ship; and because we could not entice them abord, 
we gaue them a Canne of pease and bread, which they 
carried to the shore to eat. But one of them brought 
backe our Canne presently and staid abord with the other 
two; for he being yoong, of a ready capacity, and one 
we most desired to bring with vs into England, had re- 
ceiued exceeding kinde vsage at our hands, and was 
therefore much delighted in our company. When our 
Captaine was come, we consulted how r to catch the other 
three at shore which we performed thus, 
our manner of We manned the light horseman with 7 or 8 men, 

taking the Sal- ° % ' 

uages. one standing before carried our box of Marchandise, as 

we were woont when I went to traffique with them, and 
a platter of pease, which meat they loued : but before 
we were landed, one of them (being too suspitiously 
feareful of his owne good) withdrew himselfe into the 



wood. The other two met vs on the shore side, to re- 
ceiue the pease, with whom we went vp the Cliff e to 
their fire and sate downe with them, and whiles we were 
discussing how to catch the third man who was gone, I 
opened the box, and shewed them trifles to exchange, 
thinking thereby to haue banisht feare from the other, 
and drawen him to returne : but when we could not, we 
vsed little delay, but suddenly laid hands vpon them. 
And it was as much as flue or sixe of vs could doe to 
get them into the light horseman. For they were strong 
and so strong as our best hold was bv their lono; haire 
on their heads ; and we would haue beene very loath 
to haue done them any hurt, which of necessity we 
beene constrained to haue done if we had attempted 
them in a multitude, which we must and would, rather 
than haue wanted them, being a matter of great import- 
ance for the full accomplement of our voyage. 

Thus we shipped flue Saluages, two Canoas, with all XiiSSSftw 

... Canoas, ami 

their bowes and arrowes. their bowes ami 


The next day we made an end of getting our wood 
aboord, and filled our empty caske with water. 

Thursday, the 6 of June, we spent in bestowing the 
Canoas vpon the orlop safe from hurt, because they were 
subject to breaking, which our Captaine was careful to 



Saturday the eight of June (our Captaine being de- 
sirous to finish all businesse about this harbour) very 
early in the morning, with the light horseman, coasted 
flue or sixe leagues about the Hands adjoining, and 
sounded all along^ wheresoeuer we went. He likewise 
diligently searched the mouth of the Harbour, and about 
the rocks 103 which shew themselues at all times, and are 
an excellent breach of the water, so as no Sea can come 

the n rocks al ?nd ^ n to offend the Harbour. This he did to instruct him- 
Harbour. '" 9 selfe, and thereby able to direct others that shall happen 
to come to this place. For euery where both neere the 
rocks, & in all soundings about the Hands, we neuer 
found lesse water than foure and fiue fathoms, which 
was seldome ; but seuen, eight, nine and ten fathoms is 
the continuall sounding by the shore. In some places 
much deeper vpon clay oaze or soft sand : so that if any 
bound for this place, should be either driuen or scanted 
with winds, he shall be able (with his directions) to re- 
couer safely his harbour most securely in water enough 
by foure 104 seuerall passages, more than which I thinke 
no man of judgement will desire as necessarie. 


103. Such rocks are the Dry next Burnt Island the channel is 

Ledges between Allen's Island and three hundred yards wide. 

Burnt Island. The depth of water 104. St. George's Harbor has four 

around them, according to the Coast entrances easily recognizable. First, 

Survey chart, corresponds with the there is the passage between Burnt 

figures given by Rosier. On the side Island and Allen's Island, by which 



Vpon one of the Hands (because it had a pleasant 
sandy Coue for small barks to ride in) we landed, and 

A ponde of 

found hard by the shore a pond 105 of fresh water, which fresh water - 

Way mouth seems to have entered, 
when he left his anchorage north of 
Monhegan. Then there is the pas- 
sage between Allen's Island and Ben- 
ner's Island- A third passage lies be- 
tween Benner's Island and Davis' 
Island. The fourth and widest pas- 
sage is that between Davis' Island and 
Burnt Island. In all of these pas- 
sages there is water enough to enter 
safely. But Fisherman's Island Har- 
bor cannot be said to have four en- 
trances, nor would one thus speak of 
Boothbay Harbor. Vide Coast Sur- 
vey chart. 

105. Prince (Me. Hist. Soc. Coll., 
Vol. G, p. 296,) identifies this pond 
with the pond near the hamlets on 
Monhegan. But this pond receives 
its supply of water from surface 
drainage, and is not "fed with a 
strong run." Sewall (Ancient Do- 
minions of Maine, p. 74,) locates the 
pond on Squirrel Island, where " the 
swamps of Waymouth's 'pond of 
fresh water ' still empties its rivulet 
into the sea." McKeen (Me. Hist. 
Soc. Coll., Vol. 5, p. 319,) bears even 
stronger testimony on this point. 
" It is a well-known fact," he says, 
" that this island is now called Squir- 
rel Island, with its sandy cove and 
fresh water pond." A fresh water 


pond and a rivulet would add to the 
attractions of this charming summer 
resort; but if they ever formed a part 
of the natural features of the place, 
of which there is no indication what- 
ever, they have now disappeared. De 
Costa (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, 
Vol. 18, p. 101, note,) says: "The 
pond of fresh water, which flowed 
over the ' banks,' fed ' by a strong 
run,' which Rosier says could be 
made to 'drive a mill/ is situated on 
Cape Newaggin, opposite Pemaquid 
River, and is indicated on one of the 
maps of the Coast Survey. It has 
been examined for the writer, and 
corresponds exactly with Rosier's de- 
scription, proving that Waymouth 
had been on the spot. The pond 
still flows over into the sea." Cape 
Newaggin is not opposite Pemaquid 
river, or any part of Pemaquid Point, 
but is far away at the mouth of the 
Sheepscot. It has no pond, nor is 
there, according to the Coast Survey 
chart, a pond on the island of which 
it forms a part. Furthermore, a 
careful examination of the Coast Sur- 
vey chart fails to bring to view a 
pond on any one of the islands near 
the Pemaquid River. There is quite 
a large pond of fresh water on Dam- 
ariscove Island, but it is not " fed 


flowed ouer the banks, somewhat ouer growen with little 
shrub trees, and searching vp in the Hand, we saw it fed 
with a strong run, which with small labour, and little 
time, might be made to driue a mill. In this Hand, as 
in the other, were spruce trees of excellent timber and 
height, able to mast ships of great burthen. 

While we thus sounded from one place to another in 

so good deepes, our Captaine to make some triall of the 

fishing himselfe, caused a hook or two to be cast out at 

the mouth of the harbour, not aboue halfe a league from 

oreat plenty of our ship, where in small time only, with the baitt which 

Cod fish. L ' J1 

they cut from the fish and three hooks, we got fish 
enough for our whole Company (though now augmented) 
for three daies. Which I omit not to report, because it 
sheweth how great a profit the fishing would be, they 
being so plentifully so great and so good, with such con- 
ueint drying as can be wished, neere at hand vpon the 

This day, about one a clocke after noone, came from 
the Eastward 106 two Canoas abord vs, wherein was he 


with a strong run " or a run of any 
kind. So far as I am aware, the only 
fresh wafer pond fed in this way, on 
any of the islands between Metinic 
and Seguin, is found on the eastern 
side of Allen's Island, and is indicat- 
ed on the Coast Survey chart. 

10G. It is stated farther on in this 

paragraph that they came from " the 
Bashabes," whoso abode was on the 
Penobscot. Those who had previ- 
ously visited the ship are not spoken 
of as coming from the eastward. It 
seems to be a fair inference that the 
direction from which these two ca- 
noes came is mentioned because it 

Their orna- 


that refused to stay with vs for a pawne, and with him 
six other Saluages which we had not seene before, who 
had beautified themselues after their manner very gal- 
lantly, though their clothing was not differing from the 
former, yet they had newly painted their faces very deep, 
some all blacke, some red, with stripes of excellent blew 

1 « '1 * 1 1 * /^\ t 1 alien uiu<*- 

ouer their vpper lips, nose and chin. One or them ware ments of 

11 -"■ gallantnepse. 

a kinde of Coronet about his head, made very cunningly, 
of a substance like stiffe haire coloured red, broad, and 
more than a handfull in depth, which we imagined to be 
some ensigne of his superioritie ; for he so much es- 
teemed it as he would not for anything exchange the 
same. Other ware the white feathered skins of some 
fowle, round about their head, jewels in their eares, and 
bracelets of little white round bone, fastened together 
vpon a leather string. These made not any shew that 
they had notice of the other before taken, but we vnder- 
stood them by their speech and signes, that they came 
sent from the Bashabes, and that his desire was that we 
would bring vp our ship (which they call as their owne 
boats, a quiden 107 ) to his house, being, as they pointed, 


was not the same as that from which 
the Indians previously had come. 
But if Waymouth was at anchor in 

conceded that they were Pemaquid 
Indians — must also have come from 
the east. 

Fisherman's Island Harbor or in 107. The word used by the In 

Bootbbay Harbor, the Indians who 
had previously visited the ship — it is 

dian was aquiden, the Abnaki word 
for canoe, the initial letter being very 


We went vp 
with our ship 
into the Eiuer. 

vpon the main towards the East, from whence they came, 
and that he would exchange with vs for Furres and Ta- 
bacco. But because our Company was but small, and 
now our desire was with speed to discouer vp the river, 
we let them vnderstand, that if their Bashabes would 
come to vs, he should be welcome, but we would not re- 
moue to him. Which when they vnderstood (receiuing 
of vs bread and fish, and euery of them a knife) they 
departed; for we had then no will to stay them long 
abord, least they should discouer the other Saluages 
which we had stowed below. 

Tuesday, the n of June, we passed'vp 108 into the 


naturally regarded by Rosier as the 
indefinite article. Aquiden is one of 
the examples of the Abnaki noun 
used by Rev. M. C. O'Brien in his 
paper on the "Grammatical Sketch 
of the Ancient Abnaki Outlined in 
the Dictionary of Fr. Sebastian Rule, 
S. J.," read at the meeting of the 
Maine Historical Society, at Portland, 
Dec. 23, 1882, and printed in Vol. ix., 
of the Society's Collections, p. 272. 

10S. These words accurately state 
the course of a vessel leaving St. 
George's Harbor, and passing up 
into the St. George's River. But if 
Waymoutb, leaving Fisherman's Is- 
land Harbor, entered the Kennebec 
through Townsend Gut, Sheepscot 
Bay and the Sasanoa River, it seems 
impossible that Rosier should have 

made the record as he did. It would 
not be an easy matter for a stranger 
to reach the Kennebec in this devi- 
ous way. The Atlantic Coast Pi- 
lot (Sab. Div. 4, p. 405.) in its de- 
scription of the Sasanoa River, says : 
" It flows through a very eccentric, 
crooked and dangerous channel., . . 
In the narrowest part of the channel 
the tidal current attains the extraor- 
dinary velocity of thirteen nautical 
miles an hour. Many ledges and 
rocks obstruct the passage of this 
river, and it is not possible for stran- 
gers to attempt it without disaster." 
Rosier makes no mention of any 
such perils in Waymouth's passage 
up the river, nor by any stretch of 
the imagination could he have spoken 
of the waters through which the ves- 



riuer with our ship, about six and twenty miles. Of which 
I had rather not write, then by my relation to detract 
from the worthinesse thereof. For the Riuer, besides 
that it is subject by shipping to bring in all traffiques of 
Marchandise, a benefit alwaies accounted the richest 
treasury to any land : for which cause our Thames hath 
that due denomination, and France by her nauigable 
Riuers receiueth hir greatest wealth ; yet this place of 
itselfe from God and nature affoordeth as much diuersi- 
tie of good commodities, as any reasonable man can 
wish, for present habitation and planting. 

The first and chiefest thing required, is a bold coast 
and faire land to fall with; the next, a safe harbour for 
ships to ride in. 

The first is a speciall attribute to this shore, being 


sel made its way as " the riuer." 
Champlain that same season sailed 
np the Sheepscot to Wiscasset, and 
thence by the waters of Back River 
entered the Sasanoa at Ilockomock 
Bay. He says : " Beyond this cape 
[Hockomock Point,] we passed a very 
narrow waterfall, but only with great 
difficulty ; for, although we had a fa- 
vorable and fresh wind, and trimmed 
our sails to receive it as well as pos- 
sible, in order to see whether we 
could not pass it in that way, we 
were obliged to attach a hawser to 
some trees on shore and all pull on 


it. In this way, by means of our 
own, together with the help of the 
wind, which was favorable to us, we 
succeeded in passing it." (Voyages, 
Prince Soc. Ed., Vol. 2, pp. 58, 59.) 
If, as McKeen (Me. Hist. Soc. Coll., 
Vol. 5. p. 317) and Ballard (Popham 
Mem. Vol., pp. 304, 305) suppose, 
Waymouth, leaving Boothbay Har- 
bor, followed the coast the mouth of 
the Kennebec — called by the former 
Sagadahoc as far as Merrymeeting 
Bay — then ascended to the river, Ho- 
sier's language is equally inapplicable. 


The profits of 
the Kiuer. 

most free from sands or dangerous rocks in a continual! 
good depth, with a most excellent land fall, which is the 
first Hand we fell with, named by vs, Saint Georges 
Hand. 109 For the second, by judgement of our Captaine, 
who knoweth most of the coast of England, and most 
of other Countries, (hauing beene experienced by im- 
ployments in discoueries and trauels from his childhood) 
and by opinion of others of good judgement in our 
shippe, heere are more good harbours for ships of all 
burthens, than England can affoord, and far more secure 
from all winds and weathers, than any in England, 
Scotland, France or Spaine. For besides without the 
Riuer in the channell, and sounds about the Hands ad- 
joining to the mouth therof, no better riding can be de- 
sired for an infinite number of ships. The Riuer it 
selfe as it runneth vp into the main very nigh forty miles 
toward the great mountaines, beareth in bredth a mile, 
5?e\u r uer dth of sometime three quarters, and halfe a mile is the narrow- 

109. It would be most natural to 
infer that the reference here is to 
Monhegan. But the cross set up by 
Waymouth was on one of the islands 
of Pentecost Harbor. Vide p. 10S. 
When the 1'opham colonists came 
over in 1G07 they came to an island 
which they called St. George's Is- 
land, " for that we here found a cross 
set up, the which we suppose was set 

up by George Wayman." (Proceed- 
ings Mass. Hist. Soc ., Vol. 18, p. 101.) 
They had Rosier's " Relation " in 
their hands, and not only knew that 
Waymouth set up such a cross, but 
evidently that it was set up on St. 
George's Island. If Waymouth set 
up a cross on Monhegan, Rosier 
makes no mention of it. 



est, where you shall neuer haue vnder 4 and 5 fathoms 
water hard by the shore, but 6, 7, 8, 9, and ten fathoms 
all along, and on both sides euery halfe mile very gallant 
Coues, some able to conteine almost a hundred saile, 
where the ground is excellent soft oaze with a tou<ih Thegrouna of 

° oaze and clay. 

clay vnder for anker hold, and where ships may ly with- 
out either Cable or Anker, only mored to the shore with 
a Hauser. 110 

It floweth by their judgement eighteen or twenty what now,- of 

J J ° ° J water. 

foot at hieh water. 111 

110. These statements with refer- 
ence to the breadth and depth of the 
river, also with reference to the char- 
acter of its bottom and the boldness 
of its shores, are true of the St. 
George's River. Then, too, on either 
shore of the St. George's River — a 
notable feature of the river — are the 
many " very gallant Coues " of which 
Rosier speaks. Many of these have 
names, and on the Coast Survey chart 
of the St. George's River I find Deep 
Cove, Gay Cove, Turkey Cove, Maple 
Juice Cove, Otis Cove, Watts Cove, 
Cutler's Cove, Broad Cove and 
Hyler's Cove. Furthermore, the di- 
rection of the river as it " runneth 
vp into the main" is, as Rosier says, 
"toward the great mountaines." All 
the way up the St. George's River to 
Thomaston one has before him the 
Camden and Union Mountains. If, 
however, Waymouth passed through 


Townsend Gut, crossed Sheepscot 
Bay, and by the way of the Sasanoa 
River — that " eccentric, crooked and 
dangerous m channel" — reached the 
Kennebec at Bath, these statements 
by Rosier are strangely inaccurate. 
If he ascended the Kennebec from 
its mouth, the description is entirely 
misleading. Capt. John Smith sailed 
up the Kennebec a few years later, 
and this is his record (Description of 
New England, Veazie reprint, p. 42.) : 
"Along this Riuer 40 or 50 miles I 
saw nothing but great high Cliffes of 
barren Rocks ouergrowno with 

111. The reference is to the flow- 
ing of the tide. It was only a " judge- 
ment," but the judgment was an er- 
roneous one on any theory. The 
mean rise and fall of the tide in the 
St. George's River is 94 feet. 



Heere are made by nature most excellent places, as 
Docks to graue or Carine ships of all burthens ; secured 
from all windes, which is such a necessary incomparable 
benefit, that in few places in England, or in any parts of 
Christendome, art, with great charges, can make the like. 

The Land. Besides, the bordering land is a most rich neighbour 

trending all along on both sides, in an equall plaine, 
neither mountainous nor rocky, but verged with a greene 
bordure of grasse, doth make tender vnto the beholder 
of hir pleasant fertility, if by clensing away the woods 
she were conuerted into meadow. 

The wood: The wood she beareth is not shrubbisrf fit only for 

fewell, but goodly tall Firre, Spruce, Birch, Beech, Oke, 
which in many places is not so thicke, but may with 
small labour be made feeding ground, being plentiful! 
like the outward Hands with fresh water, which stream- 
eth doune in many places. 

As we passed with a gentle winde vp with our ship 
in this Riuer, any man may conceiue with what admira- 
tion we all consented in joy. Many of our Company 
who had beene trauellers in sundry countries, and in the 
most famous Riuers, yet affirmed them not comparable 
to this they now beheld. Some that were with Sir Wal- 
ter Ralegh' 12 in his voyage to Guiana, in the discouery 

of the 

112. Raleigh, with five ships, 
sailed for Guiana in 1595, and having 

explored to a considerable extent the 
country about the Orinoco, he re- 


of the Riuer Orenoque, which echoed fame to the worlds Sed il b e efore re " 

1 • . 1 1 i • , 1 the Orenoque : 

eares, gaue reasons why it was not to be compared with and why. 
this, which wanteth the dangers of many Shoales, and 
broken ground, wherewith that was incombred. Others 
before that notable Riuer in the West Indies called Rio 
Grande; some before the Riuer of Loyer, the Riuer 
Seine, and of Burdeaux in France, which, although they 
be great and goodly Riuers, yet it is no detraction from 
them to be accounted inferiour to this, which not only 
yeeldeth all the foresaid pleasant profits, but also ap- 
peared infallibly to vs free from all inconueniences. 

I will not prefer it before our 'riuer of Thames, be- 
cause 'it is England's richest treasure ; but we all did wish 
those excellent Harbours, good deeps in a continuall 
conuenient breadth and small tide gates, to be as well 
therein for our countries good, as we found the here 
(beyond our hopes) in certaine, for those to whom it shall 
please God to grant this land for habitation ; which if it 
had, with the other inseparable adherent commodities 
here to be found ; then I would boldly affirme it to be 
the most rich,beautifull, large & secure harbouring riuer 
that the world affoordeth. 

Wednesday, the twelfth of June, our Captaine 


turned to England the same year. 
He published on his return a glowing 
account of this voyage, entitled " Dis- 

covery of the large, rich and beauti- 
ful Empire of Guiana." 


manned his light-horseman with 17 men, and ranne vp 
from the ship riding" 3 in the riuer vp to the codde 1 ' 4 
thereof, where we landed, leauing six to keepe the light- 
horseman till our returne. Ten of vs with our shot, 
and some armed, with a boy to carry powder and match, 
marched vp into the countrey towards the mountaines, 
which we descried at our first falling with the land. 115 
Vnto some of them the riuer brought vs so neere, as we 

ged ourselues when we landed to haue beene within 

a league 

113. Waymouth seems to have 
anchored the Archangel near the 
present ruins of Fort St. George, a 
few miles below Thomaston. 

114. This is an Anglo Saxon word, 
meaning 1, a pillow or cushion ; 2, a 
bag; 3, the neck of a net ; 4, a pod ; 
5, a large seed-basket. See Hollo- 
well's Diet, of Archaic and Provincial 
Words, 1, 202. It is conjectured by 
Willis, McKeen and others, that it 
means here a narrow bay or indenta- 
tion into the land. Capt. John Foster 
Williams, who in 1707 examined the 
coast of Maine with reference to 
Waymouth's discoveries in 1005, in 
his report says : " The word ' codde ' 
is not common, but I have often heard 
it, as ' ?p in the codde of the bay,' 
meaning the bottom of the bay. I 
suppose what he calls * the codde of 
the river' is a bay in the river." 
Such a bay is found at Thomaston, at 

the bend of the river near where the 
Knox mansion stood. 

115. It is impossible to reconcile 
this statement with the theory that 
Waymouth ascended the Kennebec. 
When the party landed, the moun- 
tains they saw at their first arrival 
on the coast seemed to be less than a 
league distant ; and they started for 
them, purposing to reach them and 
return that night to the ship. The 
White Mountains cannot be seen 
from the landing at Bath, or at any 
landing on the Kennebec, and if they 
could, as Prof. Johnston (History of 
Bristol, Bremen and Pemaquid) sug- 
gests, " who would think of making 
a journey to them on foot, and 
returning the same day ? " for they 
are about one hundred miles distant. 
On the other hand, Hosier's language 
answers fully to the geographical 
features of the country back of Thom- 


a league of them ; but we marched vp about foure miles K5>"S?Md irp 

.. . ■, -, . ■, i«ii ii about 4 miles. 

in the maine, and passed ouer three hilles : and because 
the weather was parching hot, and our men in their 
armour not able to trauel farre and returne that night 
to our ship, we resolued not to passe any further, being 
all very weary of so tedious and laboursom a trauell. 

In this march we passed ouer very good ground, Goodpasture, 
pleasant and fertile, fit for pasture, for the space of some 
three miles, hauing but little wood, and that Oke like 
stands left in our pastures in England, good and great, 
fit timber for any vse. Some small Birch, Hazle and 
Brake, which might in small time with few men be 
cleansed and made good arable land : but as it now is 
will feed cattell of all kindes with fodder enough for 
Summer and Winter. Thesoile is blacke, bearing sun- 
dry hearbs, grasse, and strawberries bigger than ours in 
England. In many places are lowe Thicks like our 
Copisses of small yoong wood. And surely it did all 
resemble a stately Parke, wherein appeare some old trees 
with high withered tops, and other flourishing with 
liuing greene boughs. Vpon the hilles grow notable 
high timber trees, masts for ships of 400 tun : and at 
the bottome of euery hill, a little run of fresh water; 
but the furthest and last we passed, ranne with a great 
streame able to driue a mill. 


Deere, Hares, 


We might see in some places where fallow-Deere and 
Hogges. Hares had beene, and by the rooting of ground we sup- 

posed wilde Hogs had ranged there, but we could descrie 
no beast, because our noise still chased them from vs. 

We were no sooner come aboord our light-horseman, 
returning towards our ship, but we espied a Canoa com- 
ming from the further part of the Cod of the riuer East- 
ward," 6 which hasted to vs ; wherein, with two others, 
was he who refused to stay for a pawne : and his com- 
ming was very earnestly importing to haue one of our 
men to go lie on shore with their Bashabes (who was 
there on shore, as they signed) and then the next morn- 
ing he would come to our ship with many Furres and 
Tabacco. This we perceiued to be only a meere deuice 
to get possession of any of our men, to ransome all 
those which we had taken, which their naturall policy 
could not so shadow, but we did easily discouer and 
preuent. These meanes were by this Saluage prac- 
tised, because we had one of his kinsemen prisoner, as 
we judged by his most kinde vsage of him being aboord 
vs together. 

Thursday, the 13 of June, by two a clocke in the 

11G. According to those who hold 
the St.George's River theory, the "Cod 
of the riuer Eastward " was what is 
now known as Mill River. This was 
the nsual route of the Indians coui- 


ing from the Penobscot. Prince ( Ho- 
sier's Narrative, p. 34) says that this 
carrying place has been used by the 
Indians within his knowledge. 


morning (because our Captaine would take the helpe and we set v P an- 

i other crosse. 

aduantage of the tide) in the light-horseman with our 
Company well prouided and furnished with armour and 
shot both to defend and offend ; we went from our ship 
vp to that part of the riuer which trended westward into 
the maine, 1 ' 7 to search that: and we carried with vs a 
Crosse, 118 to erect at that point, which (because it was 
not daylight) we left on the shore vntill our returne 
backe ; when we set it vp in maner as the former. For 
this (by the way) we diligently obserued, that in no place, 
either about the Hands, or vp in the maine, or alongst 
the riuer, we could discerne any token or signe, that 
euer any Christian had been before ; of which either by 
cutting wood, digging for water, or setting vp Crosses 
(a thing neuer omitted by any Christian trauellers) we 
should haue perceiued some mention left. 

But to returne to our riuer, further vp into which 
we then rowed by estimation twenty miles, the beauty 


117. At Thomaston the river takes 
just such a course as is here de- 

above Thomaston. The narrative, 
however, clearly states that the cross 

scribed. Making a right-angle, it ex- was set up at " that part of the riuer 

tends westerly about two miles, and which trended westward into the 

then turns northward. The river maine," accordingly at the present 

narrows where it trends westward. site of Thomaston, or on the point 

118. Rev. David Cush man (Maine opposite (Watson's Point), as Prince 

Hist, Soc. Coll., Vol. 6, p. 316.) thinks (Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. 6, p. :J02) 

the cross was set up at the second suggests. 
bend in the river, about two miles 



and goodnesse whereof I can not by relation sufficient- 
ly demonstrate. That which I can say in general] is 
this : What profit or pleasure soeuer is described and 
SlS^rtitfoS' truly verified in the former part of the riuer, is wholly 
doubled in this ; for the bredth and depth is such, that 
any ship drawing 17 or iS foot water, might haue 
passed as farre as we went with our light-horsman, and 
by all our mens judgement much further, because we 
left it in so good depth and bredth ; which is so much 
the more to be esteemed of greater woorth, by how 
much it trendeth further vp into the maine : for from the 
place of our ships riding in the Harbour at the entrance 
into the sound, to the furthest part we were in this 
riuer, by our estimation was not much lesse than three- 
score miles. 119 


119. The distance Wayinouth 
passed " vp into the river" with his 
ship was "about six and twenty 
miles." By this Hosier means the 
distance in the river alone ; for the 
distance rowed in the boat on the 13th 
was "by estimation twenty miles." 
This would make the total distance in 
the river about forty-six miles. But 
the distance from Pentecost Harbor 
to the farthest point reached in the 
river he makes " not much lesse than 
threescore miles." These estimates 
are excessive on any theory. Like 
Rosier's estimation of the tide in the 

river, which for any part of the coast 
from the Penobscot to the Kennebec 
was exaggerated one-half, these esti- 
mates as to distance are much too 
large. It is to be borne in mind, how- 
ever, that the discovery awakened 
great enthusiasm in Way mouth and 
his associates. The greatest rivers in 
the world were not comparable to 
this in their excited state of mind ; 
and Hosier's record of what they saw 
bears throughout evidence that he 
shared the enthusiasm of the rest. 
Vide also p 114, note 89. 


From ech banke of this riuer are diuers branching; 
streames into the maine, whereby is affoorded an vn- 
speakable profit by the conueniency of transportation 
from place to place, which in some countries is both . 
chargeable ; and not so fit, by cariages on maine, or 

Heere we saw great store of fish, some great, leap- 
ing aboue water, which we judged to be Salmons. All 
along is an excellent mould of ground. The wood in 
most places, especially on the East side, very thinne, 
chiefly oke and some small yoong birch, bordering low 
vpon the riuer; all fit for medow and pasture ground: 
and in that space w r e went, we had on both sides the 
riuer many plaine plots of medow, some of three or foure Meddowund 
acres, some of eight or nine : so as we judged in the 
whole to be betweene thirty and forty acres of good 
grasse, and where the armes run out into the Maine, 
there likewise went a space on both sides of cleere 
grasse, how far we know not, in many places we might 
see paths made to come downe to the watering. 

The excellencie of this part of the Riuer, for his good 
breadth, depth, and fertile bordering ground, did so rav- 
ish vs all with variety of pleasantnesse, as we could not 
tell what to commend, but only admired; some compared 
it to the Riuer Seuerne, (but in a higher degree) and we 




all concluded (as I verily thinke we might rightly) that 
we should neuer see the like Riuer in every degree 
equall, vntill it pleased God we beheld the same againe. 
For the farther we went, the more pleasing it was to 
euery man, alluring vs still with expectation of better, 
so as our men, although they had with great labour 
rowed long and eat nothing (for we carried with vs no 
victuall, but a little cheese and bread) yet they were so 
refreshed with the pleasant beholding thereof, and so 

We were loath L ° 

muer aue the loath to forsake it, as some of them affirmed, they would 
haue continued willingly with that onely fare and labour 
2 daies ; but the tide not suffering vs to make any longer 
stay (because we were to come backe with the tide) and 
our Captaine better knowing what was fit than we, and 
better what they in labour were able to endure, being 
verie loath to make any desperate hazard, where so 
little necessitie required, thought it best to make re- 
turne, because whither we had discouered was sufficient 
to conceiue that the Riuer ran very far into the land. 
For we passed six or seuen miles, altogether fresh 
water (whereof we all dranke) forced vp by the flowing 
of the Salt: which after a great while eb, where we 
left it, by breadth of channell and depth of water was 
likely to run by estimation of our whole company an 
unknowen way farther: the search whereof our Cap- 



taine hath left till his returne, if it shall so please God 
to dispose of him and vs. I2 ° 

For we hatting now by the direction of the omnipo- 
tent disposer of all good intents (far beyond the period of 
our hopes) fallen with so bold a coast, found so excellent 
and secure harbour, for as many Ships as any nation pro- 
fessing Christ is able to set forth to Sea, discouered a 
Riuer, which the All-creating God, with his mostliberall 
hand, hath made aboue report notable with his foresaid 
blessings, bordered with a land, whose pleasant fertility 
bewraieth it selfe to be the garden of nature, wherein 
she only intended to delight hir selfe, hauing hitherto 
obscured it to any, except to a purblind generation, 
whose vnderstanding it hath pleased God so to darken, 
as they can neither discerne, vse, or rightly esteeme the 
vnualuable riches in middest whereof they live sensually 


120. As the tide the next day, 
June 11 — see farther on — was falling 
at four o'clock in the morning, Way- 
mouth leaving his vessel at two 
o'clock had the advantage of the tide 
only a short distance. According to 
the narrative, if he was in the George's 
River, he was at the bend of the 
river, where Thomaston is situated, 
before daylight. At the highest point 
in the river which he reached he 
found, at least before he set out to 
return, that it had been "a great 
while eb." If, therefore, he returned 

on that same tide, as Rosier leads us 
to infer — " the tide not suffering vs 
to make any longer stay," — it could 
not have been later than ten o'clock 
in the forenoon, and was probably 
earlier, when the bow of the light- 
horseman was turned down stream. 
Eaton (Annals of the Town of War- 
ren, p. 15) thinks that Waymouth as- 
cended the St. George's River as far 
as the present town of Warren. Ships 
of 1200 tons have been built at this 



content with the barke and outward rinds, as neither 
knowing the sweetnes of the inward marrow, nor ac- 
knowledging the Deity of the Almighty giuer : hauing 
I say thus far proceeded, and hauing some of the inhab- 
itant nation (of best vnderstanding we saw among them) 
who (learning our language) may be able to giue vs fur- 
ther instruction, concerning all the premised particulars, 
as also of their gouernours, and gouernment, situation of 
towneSj and what else shall be conuenient, which by no 
meanes otherwise we could by any obseruation of our 
selues learne in a long time : our Captaine now wholy 
intended his prouision for speedy returne. For although 
the time of yeere and our victuall were not so spent, but 
we could haue made a longer voyage, in searching far- 
ther and trading for very good commodities, yet as they 
SV e speldy 0f re- might haue beene much profitable, so (our company be- 
ing small) much more preiudiciall to the whole state of 
our voyage, which we were most resrardfull now not to 
hazard. For we supposing not a little present priuate 
profit, but a publique good, and true zeal of promulgat- 
ing Gods holy Church, by planting Christianity, to be the 
sole intent of the Honourable setters foorth of this dis- 
couery ; thought it generally most expedient, by our 
speedy returne, to giue the longer space of time to make 
prouision for so weighty an entirprise. 121 Friday, 

121. This purpose was expressed compact signed in the cabin of the 

by the Pilgrims in the memorable Mayflower in Cape Cod Harbor: 

Mi 14 ft I P. MM 



the Kincr. 

Friday, the 14 day of June, early by foure a clocke 
in the morning, with the tide, our two boats, and a 
little helpe of the winde, we rowed downe to the riuers 
mouth 122 and there came to an anker about eleuen a Se SouthJi* 1 
clocke. Afterward our Captaine in the light-horseman 
searched the sounding all about the mouth and com- 
ming to the Riuer, for his certaine instruction of a per- 
fect description. 

The next day being Saturday, we wayed anker, and 
with a briese from the land, we sailed vp 123 to our water- 
ing place, and there stopped, went on shore and filled 
all our empty caske with fresh water. 


" Having vndertaken for the glory of 
God, and advancement of the Chris- 
tian faith and honour of our King 
and Countrey a Voyage to plant the 
first Colony in the Northerne parts of 
Virginia, doe by these presents sol- 
emnly & mutually in the presence of 
God and one of another, covenant and 
combine our selves together into a 
civill body politike, for our better 
ordering and preservation, and fur- 
therance of the ends aforesaid." 

122. "The riaers mouth "was of 
course the mouth of the great river 
Waymouthhad discovered Accord- 
ing to the narrative the ship " passed 
with a gentle wind vp " the river. The 
inference from these words as well as 
from the context plainly is that the 
ship passed up from the mouth of the 

river. It was now " rowed downe to 
the riuers mouth."' There seems to 
be no escape from the conclusion, 
therefore, that Waymouth returned 
to Pentecost Harbor by the way he 
came. If he entered the Kennebec 
by the way of Towusend Gut, Sheep- 
scot Bay and ihe Sasanoa River, he 
returned that way, and was not at 
the mouth of the Kennebec. If he 
proceeded from Pentecost Harbor to 
the mouth of the Kennebec, and 
thence ascended the river, Roster's 
narrative signally fails to indicate this 

123 As St George's Harbor is not 
" vp " from the mouth of the St. 
George's River it is claimed that this 
passage is fatal to the view that 
the river discovered by Waymouth 


Our Captain 
made his cer 

Our Captaine vpon the Rocke 124 in the middest of 
tame obserua- the harbour obserued the height, latitude, and variation 
exactly vpon his instruments. 

i Astrolabe. 4 Crosse Staff e. 

2 Semisphere. 5 And an excellent compasse 

3 Ringe instrument. made for the variation/ 25 

The certainty whereof, together with the particulari- 
ties of euery depth and sounding, as well at our falling 


was the St. George's River, and Pente- 
cost Harbor St. George's Harbor. It 
must be noticed, however, that Way- 
mouth with his ship entered the river 
which he had discovered in his shal- 
lop. When he returned to Pentecost 
Harbor, the fact is recorded by Rosier 
in these words : " We descried our 
Shallop returning toward vs, which so 
soon as we espied, we certainly con- 
jectured our Captaine had found 
some vnexpected harbour, further vp 
towards the maine." If the shallop 
had been up it was now coming down. 
So when Waymouth left Pentecost 
Harbor with his ship to ascend the 
river, Rosier says : " We passed vp 
into the river." As the river de- 
scended was the same as that as- 
cended, it is evident that Hosier's 
language in this paragraph cannot be 

124. An identification of this 
"Rocke" is attempted neither by 
McKeen nor by any other writer, so 

far as I have noticed. There is a 
small island in St George's Harbor, 
and a little to the eastward (Vide the 
chart) is Carey's Rock. 

125. In Purchas IV., p. 16G6, we 
have the following reading at this 
point in the narrative : " Our Cap- 
taine vpon the Rocke in the middest 
of the Harbour made his certaine ob- 
seruation by the Sunne, of the height, 
latitude, and variation exactly vpon 
all his Instruments: 1. Astrolabe. 
2. Semisphere. 3. Ring-instrument. 
4. Cross Staffe. 5. And an excel- 
lent Compas, made for the variation. 
The latitude he found to be 43 de- 
grees 20. minutes, North. The varia- 
tion, 11. degrees 15. minutes, viz, one 
point of the Compas Westward. And 
it is so much in England at Lime- 
house by London Eastward." St. 
George's Harbor is in latitude 43° 
25/ 45" Boothbay Harbor is in lati- 
tude 43° 50' 45"; Fisherman's Island 
Harbor is in latitude 43° 48'. 


with the land, as in the discouery, and at our departure 
from the coast; I refer to his owne relation in the 
Map 126 of his Geographicall description, which for the 
benefit of others he intendeth most exactly to publish. 

The temperature of the Climate (albeit a very im- The tempera- 

r v J ture of the 

portant matter) I had almost passed without mention- Climate - 
ing, because it affoorded to vs no great alteration from 
our disposition in England ; somewhat hotter vp into the 
Maine, because it lieth open to the South ; the aire so 
wholesome, as I suppose not any of vs found ourselues at 
any time more healthful!, more able to labour, nor with 
better stomacks to such good fare, as we partly brought, 
and partly found. 

Sunday, the 16 of June, the winde being faire, and 
because we had set out of England vpon a Sunday, 
made the Hands vpon a Sunday, and as we doubt not 
(by Gods appointment) happily fell into our harbour 
vpon a Sunday ; so now (beseeching him still with like 
prosperity to blesse our returne into England our coun- 
try, and from thence with his good will and pleasure to 
hasten our next arriuall there) we w r aied Anker and quit 
the Land vpon a Sunday. 

Tuesday, the iS day, being not run aboue 30 leagues 
from land, and our Captaine for his certaine knowledge 


126. If Waymouth published this 
map no copy, so far as I can learn, 

has been preserved. 


how to fall with the coast, hauing sounded euery watch, 
and from 40 fathoms had come into good deeping, to 70 
and so to an hundred : this day the weather being faire, 
after the foure a clocke watch, when we supposed not to 
haue found ground so farre from land, and before 
sounded in about 100 fathoms, we had ground in 24 
fathomes. Wherefore our sailes being downe, Thomas 
King, boatswaine, presently cast out a hooke, and before 
he judged it at ground, was fished and haled vp an ex- 
ceeding sfreat and well fed Cod : then there w r ere cast 
out 3 or 4 more, and the fish were so plentifull and so 
great, as when our Captaine would haue set saile, we all 
desired him to suffer them to take fish a while, because 
we were so delighted to see them catch so crreat fish, so 
fast as the hooke came downe: some with playing with 
the hooke they tooke by the backe, and one of the Mates 
with two hookes at a lead at fiue draughts together 
haled vp tenne fishes ; all were generally very great, 
some they measured to be fiue foot long, and three foot 
% j»hih S This caused our Captaine not to maruell at the 

shoulding for he perceiued it was a fish banke, which 
(for our farewell from the land) it pleased God in contin- 
uance of his blessings to giue vs knowledge of : the 
abundant profit whereof should be alone sufficient cause 





to draw men againe, if there were no other good both in 
present certaine, and in hope probable to be discouered. 
To amplifie this with words, were to adde light to the 
Sunne : for euery one in the shippe could easily account 
this present commodity ; much more than those of judge- 
ment; which knew what belonged to fishing, would war- 
rant (by the helpe of God) in a short voyage with few 
good fishers to make a more profitable returne from 
hence than from New-found-land: the fish beino; so much 
greater, better fed, and abundant with traine ; 127 of 
which some they desired, and did bring into England to 
bestow among their friends, and to testifie the true re- 

After, we kept our course directly for England & 
with ordinary winds, and sometime calmes, vpon Sun- 
day the 14 of July about sixe a clocke at night, we 


127. Thomas Morton, in the 
" New English Canaan/' published 
iu 1632, in a chapter on the fishes 
that abound on the coast of New 
England, refers first of all to the 
" Codd, because it is the most com- 
modious of all fish," and says " greate 
store of train oyle is mayed of the 
livers of the Codd, and is a commodi- 
ty that without question will enrich 
the inhabitants of New England 
quickly ; and is therefore a principall 
commodity." Capt John Smith was 

on the coast of Maine in 1G14 and 
obtained "40,000 of drie fish, . . 
traine oile and Furres." New Eng- 
land's Trials, p. 10. John Winter, 
writing June 18, 1034, at Richmond's 
Island, to Robert Trelawny, says : 
"traine we haue made very little ac- 
cord inge to our fish. All the winter 
fish doth yeld very little traine; we 
haue made but 5 hodgbeds all this 
year." Trelawny Tapers, p. 2G. 
Vide also pp. 107, 1G2, 192, etc. 


we came into were come into sounding in our channel!, but with 


darke weather and contrary winds, we were constrained 
to beat vp and downe till Tuesday the 16 of July, when 
by fiue a clocke in the morning we made Sylly 128 ; from 
whence, hindered with calmes and small winds, vpon 
Thursday the 18 of July about foure a clocke after 
noone, we came into Dartmouth : which Hauen happily 
(with Gods gracious assistance) we made our last and 
first Harbour in England. 

Further, I haue thought fit here to adde some things 
worthy to be regarded, which we haue 'obserued from 
the Salua^es since we tooke them. 

First, although at the time when we surprised them, 
they made their best resistance, not knowing our pur- 
pose, nor what we were, nor how we meant to vse them ; 
yet after perceiuing by their kinde vsage we intended 
them no harme, they haue neuer since seemed discontent- 
ed with vs, but very tractable, louing, & willing by their 
best meanes to satisfie vs in any thins: we demand of them, 
by words or signes for their vnderstanding: neither haue 
they at any time beene at the least discord among them- 

selues ; 

128. The Scilly Islands, a group 
at the west entrance to the English 
channel. There are about one hund- 
red and forty islands in all, besides 
numerous rocks. " The group was 
sometimes used by the Romans as a 

place of banishment, and was called 
by them Selling or Silurum insula?. 
They were annexed to the English 
crown in the 10th century." Apple- 
ton's Cyclopaedia. 


selues; insomuch as we haue not seene them angry but 
merry ; and so kinde, as if you giue any thing to one of 
them, he will distribute part to euery one of the rest. 

We haue brought them to vnderstand some English, 
and we vnderstand much of their language ; so as we 
are able to aske them many things. And this we haue 
obserued, that if we shew them anything, and aske them 
if they haue it in their countrey, they will tell you if they 
haue it, and the vse of it, the difference from ours in big- 
nesse, colour, or forme ; but if they haue it not, be it a 
thing neuer so precious, they wil denie the knowledge 
of it. , 

They haue names for many starres, which they will 
shew in the firmament. 

They shew great reuerence to their King, and are 
in great subiection to their Gouernors : and they will 
shew a great respect to any we tell them are our Com- 

They shew the maner how they make bread of their 
Indian wheat, and how thev make butter and cheese of 
the milke they haue of the Rain-Deere and Fallo-Deere, 
which thev haue tame as we haue Cowes. 

They haue excellent colours. And hairing seene our I 'Y li r°„"v l . ,,, . 1 „ 
Indico, they make shew of it, or of some other like SuilSe"! 
thins which maketh as good a blew. 





One especiall thing is their maner of killing the 
Whale, which they call Powdawe ; 129 and will describe his 
forme; how he bloweth vp the water; and that he is 12 
fathoms long; and that they go in company of their 
King with a multitude of their boats, and strike him 
Their kiiiingof with a bone made in fashion of a harping iron fastened 

the Whale. . 

to a rope, which they make great and strong of the 
barke of trees, which they veare out after him ; then all 
their boats come about him, and as he riseth aboue 
water, with their arrowes they shoot him to death ; when 
they haue killed him & dragged him to shore, they call 
all their chiefe lords together, & sing a song of joy: and 
those chiefe lords, whom they call Sagamos, divide the 
spoile, and giue to euery man a share, which pieces so 
distributed they hang vp about their houses for prouis- 
ion : and when they boile them, they blow off the fat, 
and put to their peaze, maiz, and other pulse, which they 

129. Rev. M.C. O'Brien, of Bangor, 
who has made a special study of the 
Abnaki language, writes: "'Pow- 
dawe ' means he blows, and describes 

the well known habit of the whale. 
Pudebe is the Abnaki for whale. 
Pudebe pudawe means the whale 



A Briefe Note of what Profits we saw the Country 
yeeld in the small time of our stay there. 

•Oke of an exellent graine, 

strait, and great timber. 
Birch, very tall & great ; of 

whose barke they make 

their Canoas. 
Many fruit trees, which we 

knew not 


Ducks great. 








Turtle Doues. 

Many birds of sundrie col- 

Many other fowls in flocks, 




Wilde great Cats. 
Dogges ; some like Wolues, 
some like Spaniels. 


Cod very great. 
Haddocke great. 
Herring oreat. 

Lobster great. 
Muscles great, with pearles 

in them. 

Frvits, Plants 
and Herbs. 

Tobacco, excellent sweet 

and strong. 
Wild Vines. 

Gooseberries j> abundance. 
Currant trees ^ 

Angelica, a most soueraigne 

An hearbe that spreadeth 

the ground & smelleth 

like Sweet Marioram, 

great plenty. 
Very good Dies, which ap- 

peare by their painting ; 

which they carrie with 

them in bladders. 

The names of the flue Saluafres which we brought 
home into England, which are all yet alive, are these. 








Tahanedo, a Sagamo or Commander. 
Amoret ^ 
Skicowaros > Gentlemen. 
Maneddo J 
Saffacomoit, a seruant. 130 

130. The last of these names, John- 
ston (Popham Memorial, p. 294, note) 
says is a misprint for Sassacomoit, 
as the Abnaki Indians never used 
the letter f. Gorges (Briefe Narration, 
Me. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. 2, p. 17.) 
says that three of these Indians, on 
their arrival in England, came into 
his possession, and he gives their 
names as Manida, Skettwarroes and 
Tasquantum. The first two, it will 
be seen, are found in Hosier's list; 
but the last is the name of an Indian 
captured by Thomas Hunt, master of 
a vessel in Capt. John Smith's com- 
pany in 1614, and through mistake is 
introduced here by Gorges' writing 
many years afterward. The capture 
of these Indians, Gorges (Me. Hist. 
Soc. roll., Vol. 2, p. 17.) says, "must 
be acknowledged the means under 
God of putting on foot and giving life 
to all our plantations." From them 
Gorges learned "what goodly rivers, 
stately islands and safe harbors these 
parts abounded with . . . what 
great rivers ran up into the land, what 
men of note were seated on them, 
what power they were of, how allied, 
what enemies they had, and the like." 
Referring to the character of the three 
natives who came into his possession 


Gorges says: "After I had these 
people some time in my custody, I 
observed in them an inclination to 
follow the example of the better sort; 
and in all their carriages manifest 
shows of great civility far from the 
rudeness of our common people." It 
has been inferred from a remark by 
Gorges that the other two Indians 
brought over by Waymouth were as- 
signed to Sir John Popham. In 1006 
Gorges put two of the Indians, one of 
whom was Saffacomoit, on a vessel 
which he dispatched to America, 
under the command of Capt. Henry 
Challoung, with instructions to " keep 
the northerly gage, as high as Cape 
Britton, till they had discerned the 
main, and then to beat it up to the 
southward, as the coast tended, till 
they found by the natives they were 
near the place they were assigned to." 
But the Captain was taken sick, the 
course was not followed, and the ves- 
sel was captured by the Spaniards. 
Of the two savages, one at least, 
Saffacomoit, was subsequently re- 
covered. A little later, the same sea- 
son, and before the disaster that had 
befallen Capt. Challoung's expedi- 
tion, another vessel, under Capt. 
Tring of Bristol, was sent out by Sir 


John Popbam, -with instructions to 
follow and meet Challoung. Tahane- 
do, whom Gorges calls Dehamda — 
(Prof. Johnston, Popham Memorial, 
p. 293, note, says the native word 
was N'tahanada, and the change was 
on account of the English ear losing 
the first consonant and taking the 
second, or vice versa, — )and possibly 
Skicowaros, as Gorges intimates, ac- 
companied Pring. Tahanedo was 
found at Pemaquid when the Popham 
Colony came over in 1607. If Skico- 
waros also accompanied Pring he 
must have returned to England, as he 

came over with the Popham Colony 
in the following year. After the 
colony had located at the mouth of 
the Kennebec Tahanedo visited the 
colony twice. We hear no more of 
him from that time until Capt. John 
Smith visited Pemaquid in 1614. 
Nor is he mentioned later. When 
eight or nine years after the visit of 
Smith, we again get a glimpse of 
affairs at Pemaquid, the names of 
Tahanedo and Skicowaros are no 
more heard, — all is changed and their 
places are filled by others (Johnston, 
Popham Memorial, p. 297.) 




Abnaki Indians, 161 

Advertiser, Portland Daily 72 

Aix-la-Chapelle, 34 

Albert, Archduke 81 

Aldworth, Robert 11, 47, 48 

Allen's Island,. 102, 103, 104, 10G, 132, 

133, 134 

Aloza, (Alosa praestabilis) 120 

Amidas, Philip 3 

Amoret, 161 

Anasou, 39, 40 

Andros, Maj. Edmund 49 

Androscoggin, 59, 66, 76, 96 

Antiquaries, Society of 20 

Aquiden, 135, 136 

Archangel, The viii, 142 

Archer, Gabriel 8, 37 

Arundell, Sir M 14, 15 

Arundell, Thomas x, 14, 51, 81,82 

Astrolabe 25, 26 

Atlantic Local Coast Pilot,. 90, 91, 94, 

102, 106, 136 
Azores, The 89 

Bache, Superintendent of Coast 

Survey, 69 


Back River, 137 

Bagaduce, 56 

Ballard, Dr. Edward. xi, 50,61,96,137 

Bancroft, George 11, 67, 69, 70, 71, 

72, 16, 97 

Bangor, 125 

Banks, Dr. C. E ix, 15 

Barlow, Arthur. ... 3 

Bashabes,. .124, 125, 134, 135, 136, 144 

Bath, ix, 59, 65, 67, 103, 139, 142 

Baxter, James P.. vi, vii, 15, 20, 22, 33, 


Belfast Bay, 56, 58, 64, 68 

Belknap, Dr. J 6, 7, 37, 54, 57, 64, 

71, 75, 91, 96 
Benner's Island,.... 102, 100, 132, 133 

Beverly, 52, 75 

Biencourt, 65 

Birchwood, Sir George, vii 

Block Island, . . 54 

Blue Mountains, 96 

Boothbay Harbor ix, x, 58, 59, 61, 

65,67,76,99, 101, 102, 
113, 133, 135, 137, 152. 

Brereton, John, 8, 9, 31 

British Museum, 22, 31, 33, 35, 71 



Brown, John 127 

Brown, John Nicholas v 

Brown Library, John Carter v 

Bryant, Hubbard W xi 

Bryce, Prof. James xi 

Bullace 125 

Burnliam, John Milton v 

Burntisland, 102, 103,133 

Cabot, Sebastian 10 

Calais 86 

Cam, Thomas 92, 100 

Camden Hills, ix, x, 41, 63, 70, 96, 97, 

100, 139 

Cape Ann, 94 

Cape Breton, 83, 1GI 

Cape Cod 7, 39, 55, 08, 1 16 

Cape Cod Harbor, 150 

Cape Newagen 100, 133 

Capes of Virginia, 52 

Captain's Hill, 11 

Carey's Rock, 152 

Catherine, Queen, 14 

Cballoung, Henry 15, 83, 161, 1G2 

Chamberlain, Ex-Gov. J. L 63 

Champeruown, Catherine 1 

Chainplain,,39, 43, 65, 71, 72, 73, 110, 

120, 124, 125, 137 

Charles II 48 

Chesapeake Bay, 4, 51, 52, 54 

Coast Survey Office, x 

Codde of the Kiver, 142, 144 

Compass, 26 

Connecticut Kiver 53, 54, 75 

Coves in St. George's River,- 139 

Cross set up by \Vaymouth,.103, 138, 

Cuerno (Corvo) 89 

Cushman, Rev. David 61, CO, 7G, 

97, 145 
Cutty hunk, 7 

Damariscove Islands, 101, 133 

Dartmouth, 21, 85, 150 

Davies, James 40, 40, 74 

Davis Island, 102, 133 

De Costa, Dr. B. F. 11, 40, 41, 42,65, 
66, G9, 70, 72,73, 129, 133 

Deering, Capt. Charles 97 

Dehamda, 1G2 

Demonstrations, Way mouth's,. 21, 25, 

26, 28, 29, 31 

Denison, Capt. W. E 97 

Deptford, 33 

Documentary History of Maine, 10, 13 

Dover, SO 

Downs, The SO 

Drake, Sir Francis, 3,4 

Drake, Samuel A 02 

Drake, Book of the Indians,. ...121 

Dry Ledges, 132 

Duke of York, 4^,49 

Eaton 61 

East India Fellowship,, .vii, 10. 21, 82 

Edgartown 11 

Edward III ...80 

Edwards, Capt. Chas 93 

Edwards, William S xi 

Elbridge, Giles 47 

Elizabeth, Queen 1,2,3,4, 13, 10, 


Elizabeth Isle, 7, 15 

Ellis, Sir Henry 20 

Emmanuel College, Cambridge,. . 33 
Emperor of Cathay, 10, 17, '20 



Essex, 13 

Exeter, 86 

Falmouth, England 6 

Fish, Abundance of.. 95, 104, 147, 151 

Fisherman's Island, 103 

Fisherman's Island Harbor,. . .x, 102, 
127, 133, 135, 136, 152 

Fishes, Names of 160 

Flint-lock gun, 106 

Flores, 89 

Folsoin, George 58 

Force, Hist. Tracts 94, 95, 100, 

104, 105,106, 112 

Fort Pownal, 56 

Fort St. George, 142 

Fortifications, * 29 

Fowles, Names of » 159 

Friend, Rev. H 125 

Fruits, Names of 160 

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey 1, 2, 3 

Gilbert, Otho 1 

Gilbert, Capt. . .40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 109, 

114, 124 

Goddard, Hon. C. W viii, 99 

Godfrey, J. F 124 

Goodwin Sands, 86 

Gorges, Sir P'erdinando. ..viii, ix, 15, 

41,43,45,47, 50, 53, 74,75, 

82,83,124,101, 102. 

Gosnold, Bartholomew.. .0, 7, 8, 9, 10, 

11, 13, 21, 37, 43, 45, 51 

Gravesend, . 85 

Gray, Prof. Asa xi 

Greenland, 20 

Grenville, Sir Richard ... 3 

Griffen, Owen 121, 122, 128 

Griffith, William 41 

Guiana, HO, 141 

Hamlin, Prof. C. E 87 

Hanham, Thomas 83 

Hakluyt, Richard 10 

Harris, Dr. John viii 

Hazard State Papers, 3 

Hockomock Bay, 59, 137 

Hockomock Point, 137 

Hogarth, 20 

Holmes, Abiel, 57 

Howard, Edward 14 

Hubbard, Rev. William 51, 75 

Hudson's River 52, 75 

Humphrey, F. F 97, 98, 99 

Hunt, Thomas 161 

Indians captured by Way mouth. .15, 

44,71,83, 130, 131,101 

Indians described by Rosier, ...109, 

110, 111, 112, 113, 115, 131, 156, 

157, 158. 

Indians, Pemaquid 40 

Infanta Isabella Anne 82 

Jago's Glossary of Cornwall, 125 

James 1 13, 22, 30, 33, 59, 81, 82 

James River, 52. 54, 75 

Jamestown, 8 

Jewell of Artes, 22, 23, 30, 31 

John William, Duke 34 

John'3 Town,.... 127 

Johnston, Prof.. ..62, 97, 142, 161, 162 
Jiilich, Siege of 34, 35 

Kennebec,, ix, xi, 39, 40, 45, 49, 52, 57, 
59, 60, 61, 63, Go, 06, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 
75, 76, 113, 114, 136, 137, 139, 142, 

1 66 


King's Library, 22 

Lane, Ralph 3, 4 

Library of Lambeth Palace, 40, 73 

Light-horseman, 127 

Liniken's Point, - 127 

Lizards, The 87 

Long Island, 51, 52 

Long Island, Penobscot Bay,.. . ... 56 

Mace, Samuel 6 

Mag. of Am. History, . . .8, 11, 12, 69, 


Maine Hist. Soc. Coll. viii, 43, 40, 47, 

48, 50, 58, 72, 83, 96, 101, 103, 106, 

114, 124, 127, 133, 136, 137, 145, 161. 

Manana . . 94 

Maneddo, 101 

Manomet, 12 

Martha's Vineyard, 7,11 

Massachusetts Bay, 7, 11, 53 

Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll.v, 5, 8, 9, 37, 118 
Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings,. .41, 42, 

129, 133, 138 

Massasoit, 124 

Matchlock gun, 106 

Matinicus, 41, 42, 94 

Maurice, Prince 35 

Maverick's Description of New 

England, 48 

Mawooshen, 47 

Maximilian II., 81 

Mayflower, The 116, 150 

McKeen, John 58, 59, 60, 61, 09, 

76, 96, 99, 101, 103, 106, 
114, 133,137, 112,152. 
Merrymeeting Bay,. .... . .59, GG, 137 

Metiuic, 42, 134 

Milford Haven, 10 

Mill River, 144 

Mitchell, Henry 91 

Monhegan, x, 40, 42, 46, 49, 55, 57» 

62, 63, 64, 06, 68, 69, 70, 73' 
74, 94, 96, 97, 93, 99,100, 
101, 103, 100, 133, 138. 

Moosehead Lake, 87 

Morton's New English Canaan... Ill, 

Motley, J. L 82 

Mourt's Relation,.. 107, 108, 110, 111, 

112, 116,119 
Muscovia and Turkey Companies,. 82 

Nahanada, 41, 101 

Nantucket, 91 

Nantucket Shoals, 90 

Narragansett, 54, 75 

Newagen, Cape. 100, 133 

New England Hist, and Gen. Reg- 
ister, 48, 03 

Newfoundland 2, 5 

New Harbor, 41, 127, 128, 129 

Northwest Passage to the Indies,. .»ii, 

10, 25 
Norumbeague, 125 

O'Brien, Rev. M. C 130, 158 

Ocean Point, 99 

Old Fore Point, 56 

Oldmixon, 50, 52, 54, 75 

Oliver, Mrs. Hannah 12 

Orinoco,.. 110 

Owl's Head 56, 96 

Palfrey, J. G 11,60 

Parkman, Francis 118 



Partridge Berry, 125 

Partridge's Point, 44 

Pejepscot, 59 

Pemaquid, 42, 46, 49, 52, 73, 74, 

75, 96, 127, 162 

Pemaquid Harbor, 44 

Pemaquid Indians, 40, 135 

Pemaquid Lighthouse, 128 

Pemaquid Point, ...... x, 44, 133 

Pemaquid River,., ix, 43, 44, 47,48,50, 

53, 129, 133 

Penobscot Bay, 10, 56, 58, 64 

Penobscot Hills, 55, 58, 96, 100 

Penobscot River, ix, 41, 47, 57, 58, 59, 

60, 63, 69, 71, 74, 76, 125, 134, 144 
Pentecost Harbor, . ix, x, 43, 46, 53, 55, 

57, 58, 59, 61, 62, 67, 72, 75, 76, 101 , 

102, 127, 151, 152. 

Pentecost Harbor, Cross at . ..43, 

108, 109, 138 

Percy, George 8 

Pette, Peter 33 

Pette, Phineas 33, 34 

Philipson, Miles 14 

Pierce, John 127 

Pilgrims, The 107, 108, 118 

Pilgrims, Compact of the .... 150, 151 

Piatt, Master U. S.N 90 

Plymouth, 110 

Plymouth Company, 83 

Plymouth Council, 47 

Plymouth Harbor, 11 

Pole, George, 124 

Polwhele's Glossary, 125 

Popham, Capt. Geo 40, 59, 114 

Popham Colony 40, 45, 46, 49, 65, 

72, 73, 124, 128, 162 

Popham, Sir John. ..14, 15, 45, 82, 83, 

161, 162 

Powhatan, River of 51, 52, 54, 75 

Prince, George, v, ix, 60, 62, 65, 69, 72, 

76, 97, 133, 144 

Prince, Thomas 53, 75 

Pring, Martin. . . .8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 43, 

44,45,83, 161,162 

Public Records Office, 32 

Purchas, his Pilgrimmes... .viii, 8, 37, 
47, 49, 54, 74, 76, 100, 152 

Quibiquesson, 47 

Rale, Fr. Sebastian, 135 

Raleigh, Carew 1 

Raleigh, Sir Walter,. . .1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 
7, 10, 13, 14, 36, 37, 140 

Raleigh, City of 4 

Ram Island, 103 

Ratcliffe, 85 

Resolution Island, 20 

Revised Statutes of Maine, viii 

Richmond's Island 155 

Roanoke Island, 3, 4 

Rose and Crown Shoal 91 

Rosier, James. viii, ix, 31, 37, 38, 40, 43, 
45, 46, 70, 73, 74, 76, 95, 100, 102, 
106, 108,124, 128, 129, 132, 133, 
136,137,138,139, 152, 161. 

Royal Society viii 

Rudolph II, 14,81 

Saffacomoit, 161 

Sagadahock River,, .ix, 45, 46, 48, 49, 
53, 58, 59,66, 71, 75, 114, 129, 151 

Samoset, 110, 127 

Sankaty Head, 55, 91 

Sasanoa River,.xi,67, 136, 137, 139, 151 
Sassafras, - 8, 11 



Savage Hock, * ... 7, 10 

Scilly Islands 156 

Segnin ar, 42, 45, 134 

Sewall, R. K.. ..xi, 59, 67, 06. 102, 103, 

127, 133 
Sheepscot,.xi, 59, 65, 67, 133, 136, 137, 

139, 151 
SkiJwarres (Skicowaros),.43, 44, 161, 


SJafter, 40 

Smith, Tapt. John... .8, 44, 46, 50, 73, 
94, 100, 106, 127, 139, 155, 161, 162 

Sparks, .Tared v, 118 

Squirrel Island 102,106, 133 

Standish, Capt. Miles 106 

Stanley, William 98 

St. Croix 43,49 

St. Croix, Island of 39 

Stepney, 85 

Stevens, Henry, vii 

Stevens, Henry N vii, viii 

St. George's Harbor,. ix, x, 44, 55, 58, 
61,62,67, 76, 102, 109 
113, 132, 130, 152. 
St. George's Island,. . . .42, 44, 73, 138, 

St. George's Islands, 42. 55, 63, 

68,69,70, 72,73, 100, 103. 106 
St. George's l\iver,. . .x, 60, 61, 62, 05, 
67,63.69, 70, 71, 74, 76,113, 
136. 139, 149,151, 152. 

Stith.Rev. William 53, 75 

St. James' Shells, . 87 

Strach'ey, William. viii, ix, 3,6, 14, 41, 
46, 47, 49, 64, 71, 72, 74, 75, 124, 129 

Tahanedo, 161, 162 

Tarbox, Rev. Increase N., D. D., 2 

Tarrenteenes, 112 

Tasquantum 161 

Thames, The 141 

Thatcher, Anthony 124 

Thatcher's Island 94 

Thayer, Rev. Henry 42, 43, 72 

Thirty Years War, Beginning of 

the 35 

Thomaston, 142, 145 

Thornton, J. Wingate 127 

Tobacco,.. 123,125,127,160 

Tobacco, Drinking of 124 

Townsend Gut xi, 136, 139, 151 

Townsend Harbor, 5S, 59, 101 

Traine Oil 155 

Trees, Names of 159 

Trelawny Papers, 155 

Trelawny, Robert. * 155 

Two Bush Island, . ...55, 56 

Virginia, 52 

Virginia, Colonization of 3. 4, 5, 8 

W T arren, Town of 143 

Warwick, Cape 20 

Waymouth, Capt. George i, vii, 
We\ mouth, ) viii. ix, x, 

"xi, 15,10,18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 25, 
30, 31,32, 33, 34, 35, 36. 39.40, 
43,44,45,46, 47, 49, 50, 51, 52, 
53,54, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62. 03, 64, 
65, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 
76, 82, 83; sails from Katcliffe, 
85; from Dartmouth Haven, 86 ; 
reaches the Azores, 89; discovers 
land, 91; amid shoals, 92; dis- 
covers an island, (Monhegan), 94 ; 
description of the island, 95; 
thence discerns the main and 



high mountains up in the main, 
96; sails in toward the other 
islands more adjoining to the 
main, 100 ; finds a good harbor, 
101 ; and anchors, 102 ; finishes 
the shallop, 108; sets up a cross, 
108; with thirteen men departs 
in the shallop, 109; the ship vis- 
ited by Indians, 109; Way mouth 
returns with the shallop, 113; re- 
ports the discovery of a great 
river, 114; furiher intercourse 
with the Indians, 115-131; 
sounds about the rocks at the 
entrance of Pentecost Harbor, 
132 ; discovers a pond of fresh 
water on one of the islands, 133; 
is visited by canoes from the 
Eastward, 134, 135; journey up 
into the river in his ship, 130, 
137; profits of the river, 138; 
depth of the river and flow of 
tide, 139; comparison with other 
rivers, 140, 141; Waymouth 
leaves the ship and marches up 
into the country, 142, 143; re- 
turns to the ship, 144 ; sets up 
another cross, 145 ; distance in 
the river, 140 ; excellency of the 
river, 147, 148 ; extent of the dis- 

covery, 149; cause of the speedy 
return, 150 ; passes down to the 
river's mouth, 151 ; and thence to 
Pentecost Harbor, 152; sets sail 
for England, 153; on a fishing 
bank, 154; continues his course 
to England, 155 ; anchors in 
Dartmouth Haven, 156. 

Western Antiquary, 126 

Westminster Abbey, 10 

White Head, x 

White, John 4, 6 

White Mountains,... ix, 59, G6, 96, 97, 

98,99, 100, 101, 142 

Whitson Bay, 11 

Whitson, John 11 

Williams, Capt. John Foster. ..54, 57, 

64, 75, 91, 96, 142 

Williams, Roger 107 

Williamson, Hon. Joseph 64 

Williamson's Hist, of Maine,. .48, 57, 

67, 100 
Willis, Hon. William. ..59, 68, 96, 142 

Winter, John 155 

Wiscasset, 137 

Woods, Dr. Leonard, 2,13 

W T oods' New England Prospect, . . 105, 


Woolwich, 33 

Wriothesley, Henry . ..6, 13, 14, 31, 51 


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,' •